• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.77
• /
• pp.137-163
• /
• 2016

In the early 1900, photography, magic lantern and cinema were simultaneously introduced and experienced until the mid-1910s as mysterious and magical symbol of modern science and technology. The technology of vision, cinema in particular demonstrated its commercially expandable potentials through serial films in the mid-1910s, silent cinema in the 1920s and talkies in 1930s. I argue that a metaphor 'like a movie' which was would be spoken out by peoples as a cliche ever since the late 1910s whenever they encountered something uncanny, mysterious, and looking wholly new phenomena informs how cinematic technology worked in colonial society at the turning point to the early 20th century. Mass in colonial society accepted cinema and other visual technologies not only as an advanced science of the times but as texts of modernity that is the reason why cinema had so quickly taken cultural hegemony over the colony. Until the mid-1920s, discourse on cinema focused not on cinema itself, rather more on the theatre matters such as hygiene, facilities for public use, disturbance, quarrels and fights, theft, and etc. Since the mid-1920s and especially in wartime 1930s, discourses about negative influences and effects of cinema on behavior, mind and spirit of masses, bodily health, morality and crime were articulated and delivered by Japanese authorities and agencies like as police, newspapers and magazines, and collaborate Korean intellectuals. Theories and research reports stemming from disciplines of psychology, sociology, and mass-psychology that emphasized vulnerability and susceptibility of the crowd and mass consumers who would be exposed to visual images, spectacles and strong toxic stimulus in everyday lives. Those negative discourse on influences and effects of cinema was intimately associated with fear of the crowd and mass as well as new technology which does not allow clear understanding about how it works in future. The fact that cinema as a technology of vision could be used as an apparatus of ideology and propaganda stirred up doubts and pessimistic perspectives on cinema influence. Discourse on visual technology cinema constructed under colonial governance is doomed to be technology of mass control for empire's own sake.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
• /
• v.18 no.10
• /
• pp.537-546
• /
• 2020

This study aims to find the structure of social disussion on government 'Senior job program' by analyzing 1107 newspaper articles on 'senior job program' from 11 major newspaper articles and 8 financial newspapers. Topic modeling via latent dirichlet allocation model was employed for analysis and as result, 5 latent topics were extracted as follows : general information, local government project propaganda, senior life related issues, employment creation effect and market relations. Until 2015, most of the articles focused on the first two topics, indicating not much discourse was formed concerning the characteristics of the program. However, after 2015, the third topic started to increase and after the launch of Moon Jae In government, there has been a drastic increase in the employment creation related topic indicating that current social discourse mirrored by the media is definitely focused on employment creation aspect of senior job program. Based on the result, this study suggests the necessity to increase the quality and also enhance employment aspects of Senior job program.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.40
• /
• pp.287-320
• /
• 2007

This study was to look into the press policy and the related activities performed by North Korea in the South during the Korean War and to evaluate them. In order to understand the concrete contents of the activities and their characteristics, the two representative newspapers published in the South by North Korea at that times - the Chosuninmin Bo and the Haebang Ilbo - were reviewed and analyzed. North Korea operated broadcasting and started newspapers just after the possession of Seoul. and also performed various positive press activities - such as the distribution of the newspapers and periodicals of North Korea and U.S.S.R., putting the movies on the screen, and founding the weekly, etc. But the target of all the media were the same. It aimed to support Kim Il-Sung's scheme which intended to carry out the war successfully and to make the South under occupation Communism System by introducing the Northern law and system. The two newspapers, as agent of power, made only such a role to agitate and exaggerate the false things with unrealistic optimism. They intended to ideologically mobilize the South people and to affect on their perspectives and acts. However the media including the two newspapers being operated in the South during the war had not got the faith or the good response from the South people as an audience. Most of South Koreans were tired with their endless and one-sided propaganda, agitation and ideological enlightenment. It could therefore be evaluated that the press activities by North Korea in the South during the Korean War resulted with many limitations in ideologically organizing and mobilizing the South Koreans.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.56
• /
• pp.86-116
• /
• 2011

Recently, media diplomacy takes on a substantial role in information war not only in setting global agenda but also in delivering their favored views and frames. Focusing on its crucial impact, this study attempts to investigate empirically the relationship between national prestigious media's news coverage and it's own foreign policy particularly about the 2011 Libya conflict. The total of 530 news articles in such 24 hour English news channels as BBC World, Cnn International, Russia Today, France24, Al Jazeera English and Deusche Welle were analyzed for this study. The analyses reveal that Libya coverages of those news channels are entirely constructed in the context of the foreign policy. To put it concretely, there was the undeniable level of differences in terms of quoting relevant sources, viewpoints, attitudes and frames for the pursuit of media diplomacy helped by high quality journalism. The authors argue in this regard that protecting information sovereignty should be urgently discussed even in the time of digital revolution. To launch 24-hour English news channel like 'Korea 24' would be a possible strategy for influencing global agenda and perspective in way of supporting national interests.

• Journal of Korean Theatre Studies Association
• /
• no.52
• /
• pp.5-59
• /
• 2014

This paper investigates the development and aesthetics of Korean political theatre from its quickening period 1920s to democratization era 1990s. Political theatre before 90s developed an antithesis resistant movement toward Korean modern history that had been scattered with suppressing political circumstances such as colonial era and dictatorial government, the movement has powerful activity and social influences. Just like the 20 century political theatre had been quickened under the influence of Marxism at Russia and Germany in 1920s, Korea's political theatre began in socialism theatre movement form around the same time. Proletarian theatre groups had been founded in Japan and Korea, and developed into practical movement with organized connection. However, the political theatre movement in Japanese colonial era was an empty vessel makes great sound but not much accomplishments. Most performance had been canceled or disapproved by suppression or censorship of the Japanese Empire. The political theatre in liberation era was the left drama inherited from Proletarian theatre of the colonial era. Korean Theatre alliance took lead the theatrical world unfold activities based on theatre popularization theory such as 'culture activists' taking a jump up the line and 'independent theatre' peeping into production spot as well as the important event, Independence Movement Day Memorial tournament theatre. Since 1947, US army military government in Korea strongly oppressed the left performances to stop and theatrical movement was ended due to many left theatrical people defection to North Korea. The political theatre in 1960s to 70s the Park regime, developed in dramatically different ways according to orthodox group and group out of power. The political theatre of institutional system handled judgment on sterile people and had indirect political theatre from that took history material and allegory technique because of censorship. In political theatre out of institution, it started outdoor theatre that has modernized traditional performance style and established deep relationship with labor spot and culture movement organizations. Madangguek(Outdoor theatre) is 'Attentive political theatre', satirizing and offending the political and social inconsistencies such as the dictatorial government's oppression and unbalanced distribution, alienation of general people, and foreign powers' pillage sharply as well as laughing at the Establishment with negative characters. The political theatre in 1980s is divided into two categories; political theatre of institutional system and Madangguek. Institutional Political theatre mainly performed in Korea Theatre Festival and the theatre group 'Yeonwoo-Moudae' led political theatre as private theatre company. Madangguek developed into an outdoor theatrical for indoor theatre capturing postcolonial historical view. Yeonwoo-Moudae theatre company produced representative political plays at 80s such as The chronicles of Han's, Birds fly away too, and so on by combining freewheeling play spirit of Madangguek and epic theatre. Political theatre was all the rage since the age of democratization started in 1987 and political materials has been freed from ban. However, political theatre was slowly declined as real socialism was crumbling and postmodernism is becoming the spirit of the times. After 90s, there are no more plays of ideology and propaganda that aim at politicization of theatre. As the age rapidly entered into the age of deideology, political theatre discourse also changed greatly. The concept 'the political' became influential as a new political possibility that stands up to neoliberalism system in the evasion of politics. Rather than reenact political issues, it experiments new political theatre that involves something political by deconstructing and reassigning audience's political sense with provocative forms, staging others and drawing discussion about it.

• Korea and Global Affairs
• /
• v.3 no.1
• /
• pp.39-76
• /
• 2019

This paper is to analyze the trend and implications of the publication of China's defense and security white papers. To this end the paper is composed of 5 chapters titled instruction; publication details and composition of China's defense and security white paper; the gist of the white paper on national defense and security during the Chinese president Xi Jinping era; the implications of Chinese white paper on national defense and security during the Chinese president Xi Jinping era; and conclusion. The Chinese Ministry of National Defense had published seven books every two years since 1998 to 2010. In 1995, the ministry published a white paper titled 'China's arms control and disarmament' for the first time. In 2013, it published a white paper titled 'The Diversified Employment of China's Armed Forces' and 'China's Military Strategy' in 2015. All have the common characteristic of being a propaganda policy reflecting China's strategic calculations. It seems that China has began to publish defense white papers in a proactive manner, due to the following factors: (1)pressure on China to demand military transparency from neighboring countries such as the United States; (2)the erosion of the 'China threat.' and (3)confidence in the achievement of China's military modernization. The 'active defensive strategy' and the 'strong defense strategy' of Si Jinping are implied in the words "China's dream is a dream of a powerful country and dream of a strong nation is essential to construct a strong nation." His these strategies have raised security concerns for neighboring countries. We need to maintain and reinforce strong ROK-US security cooperation, and hedging strategies to harmoniously promote ROK-China economic cooperation.

• (The)Korea Educational Review
• /
• v.23 no.3
• /
• pp.117-142
• /
• 2017

The purpose of this study is to illustrate Richard Henry Tawney's idea of adult education among traditions of workers' education movement. The workers' education movement can be categorized into two streams. One tradition regards as the workers' education as a part of liberal education. The other tradition regards as it as a tool for social transformation. The former, which emphasizes the importance of liberal education in workers' education, had been developed in connection with the University Extension in England, and had a practical influence through the 'Workers' Educational Association(WEA)' organized by Mansbridge and other intellectuals. The latter, which emphasizes the social transformational function of education, conducted education in a form that is not clearly distinguished from propaganda, through the 'National Council of Labour College(NCLC)'. Tawney demonstrates the idea of adult education that synthesizes these two traditions, and this synthesization is related to his idea on equality. Tawney pursued socialism through democratic and non-violent way. He thought that adult education could contribute to the construction of socialism while at the same time conducting adult education based on liberal education. In other words, adult education based on liberal education, through rational understanding and discussion of the world, can contribute to social transformation. Tawney's idea of adult education provides practical implications for educationalists and educators who want progressive social change, and theoretically enriches educational research on the relationship between social transformation and education.

• Journal of Internet Computing and Services
• /
• v.21 no.6
• /
• pp.57-69
• /
• 2020

As more people share their opinions in online communities, such as Internet portals and social networking services, more opinions are manipulated for the benefit of particular individuals and groups. In particular, when manipulations occur for political purposes, they influence election results as well as government policies and the quality of life. This type of manipulation has targeted the general public, and their analysis and detection has also focused on such manipulation. However, to more efficiently spread propaganda, recent manipulations have targeted common interest groups(e.g., a group of those interested in real estate) and propagated information whose content and style are customized to those groups. This work characterizes such manipulations on common interest groups and proposes method to detect manipulations. To this end, we collected and analyzed opinions posted on 10 common interest groups before and after an election. As a result, we found that manipulations on common interest groups indeed occurred and were gradually increasing toward the election date. We also proposed a detection system that examines individual opinions, their authors, and their collaborators. Using the collected opinions, we demonstrated that the proposed system can accurately classify more than 90% of manipulated opinions and that many of these opinions were posted by multiple collaborators. We believe that regular audits of opinions using the proposed system can quickly isolate manipulations and decrease their impact. Moreover, the proposed features can be used to identify manipulations in domains other than politics.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
• /
• v.22 no.7
• /
• pp.607-622
• /
• 2022

The Spring Festival is the most important traditional celebration in China, and it has the important value of condensing the national spirit and emotion, inheriting traditional culture and customs, and showing the development and changes of contemporary China. As a kind of TV performance art and cultural media carrier, The Spring Festival Gala of China Media Group (C.M.G) has been broadcast for 40 years and has exerted a great influence on the development of China's media industry. These days, China's TV performing arts and Chinese media that represented by The Spring Festival Gala, are not only the main front of domestic propaganda, but also shoulder the historical responsibility of building the image of a great country and exporting Chinese remarkable culture to the outside world. Therefore this study had summarizes The Spring Festival Gala change trend in the past 40 years focus on the theme of The Spring Celebration, the development of multimedia, and the interaction between society and culture in different periods of Chinese social background, and also analyzes the current problems of the Spring Festival by combining relevant data and specific cases. so as to make forward-looking suggestions for the and how the Chinese media industry can further develop towards globalization.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
• /
• no.43
• /
• pp.173-202
• /
• 2021

During the Korean War, China dispatched 'the Anti-US and Pro-Joseon Comfort' group to North Korea 3 times. The purpose of the comfort group was to comfort the Chinese People's Supporting Soldiers and Joseon People's Army fighting the US imperial forces and at the same time, inform them of China's situation to booster their morale. Another purpose was to promote the socialism construction projects in the new China. Namely, China wanted to propagate various heroic achievements of the Chinese soldiers and accuse the US imperialist soldiers and thereby, inspire Chinese people's international sense and patriotism for the new China to mobilize the people for the war and promote the construction of the new China effectively. The comfort group consisted of diverse classes (laborers, farmers, intellectuals, women, students, soldiers, etc.) in various areas such as politics, military, ethnic, society, culture, education, etc. Their activities were conducted in various forms such as consolation, legwork, meeting and performances. Their activities were full of anger and compassion, sacrifice and emotion, battle and romance, impression and comfort. Such emotion was delivered intact to the Chinese people through the comfort group's propaganda activities back home in China. The Anti-US and Pro-Joseon Comfort' group revealed their identity of socialists New China in terms of their organization and their specific performances. Their identity claimed for democracy and equality, internationalism empathizing world peace and solidarity of the proletariats, and patriotism supporting the communists regime. The comfort group played a role in propagating such identity of new China effectively by crossing the border. It was a political and cultural performance that stipulated the political meaning of the Anti-US and Pro-Joseon Chosun Comfort' group