• Journal of Korean Society of Archives and Records Management
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.5-42
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• 2006

The personal praying sentence in personal praying scripts of Koryo Dynasty should be very important source for study of Koryo buddhism's history as well as historics, bibliographics and art historics. Especially it would be good source for study of official position in Koryo Dynasty because in the personal praying scripts the prayers expressed their own official position when compared to the official positions presented in Bekguanji(all officer's magazine) in Koryosa(history of Koryo Dynasty). As the characteristic of script is presented in the contents of personal praying sentence, it would be remarkable source for study on the history of buddhism's thought. Through the personal praying sentence it is possible to make clear the hopes of donor and high monks who were the key members for writing praying script. Also study on the personal praying sentences in Koryo scripts would be helpful for understanding the profile of society of Koryo Dynasty.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.38
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• pp.349-383
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• 2019

This discussion is focused on Donghaeanbyulsingut's 'gutchum-pan to pray'. 'Gutchum-pan to pray' is repeated in almost all of the geori in Byulsingut, so it is a crucial chum-pan that can never be disregarded in understanding Byulsingutchum. Meanwhile, it supposes that Donghaeanbyulsingut is grounded on the activity of producing 'praying (words) and dance (motions)' within its relationship with the structure of capitalistic society along with the context of traditional rituals. The motion that is newly generated as a response to the concrete expression of 'praying' conducted by a mudang (a shaman), that is, the expression coming from the inside associated with the praying is seen as gutchum. This dance is bound to be in competition and interest among shaman groups, and they tend to influence one another. If praying leads to dance, a mudang can gain profits from capital as well as the value of labor. When the mudang succeeds in forming a bigger bond of sympathy with her praying, the object of praying gets more eager to select byulbi and dances a heoteunchum (impromptu dance) more vigorously. This means that a mudang's ability to perform a ritual is associated with the object of praying's consumption. With his impromptu motions, the object of praying comes to go into 'the field of consumption' within the structure of capitalistic competition before he is aware of it. Behind the communication that praying leads to dance, a lot of things are associated with one another organically. 'Gutchum-pan to pray' is generated by the continuous movement of diversity and unity that the time has within the ritual of the mudang and the object of praying. It continues to create the future 'self' that is different from the present 'self', and it means that he expects variability from the present 'self' through 'gutchum-pan to pray'. The mudang also prays for him arranging the variability of the other (the object of praying) inside her labor. In a big picture, of course, the mudang expects the variability of herself, too, which is connected to the value of her labor. The variability that they expect forms a crucial axis that determines where the flow of time and space that the 'gutchum-pan to pray' has is directed to. The contents of praying are directly related with the villagers' lives, and what leads to dance is mostly related with their jobs. This implies that what the mudang experiences in her everyday consuming activity is directly associated with the villagers' activity for earning money. In other words, the contents of that praying change constantly according to the flow of capitalistic economy. Also, those striving to respond to it before anyone else also expect better life for them by substituting their self to the 'gutchum-pan to pray' eagerly. If so, who are the ones that generate 'gutchum-pan to pray'? This can be understood through relationship among mudangs, relationship between the mudang and villagers, and also relationship among villagers. Their relationships can never be free from the concepts like labor in capitalistic society, consumption and expenditure, or time; therefore, they come to compete with the other, the present self, or the better self within the diverse relationships. This gets to be expressed in any ways, words or motions. And the range that covers the creation of either group or individual 'gutchum-pan to pray' in the village is the village community. Outside the range, it is upsized to the competition of the village unit, so individual praying may become diminished more easily. Although mudangs pray in each geori, it does not mean all praying leads to dance. Within various relationships between mudangs and villagers, 'gutchum-pan to pray' comes to be generated, repeated, and extinct. As it is mitigated to more positive competition, it does not lead to gutchum any longer. In other words, repeating 'gutchum-pan to pray' previously created has turned the object of praying into the state different from the former. Also, the two groups both have experienced the last step of Byulsingut, and at that point, praying does no longer lead to dance. In other words, from the position of the shaman group, it is the finish of their labor time and ritual performance, and from the perspective of the villagers, it means the finish of consuming activity and participation in a ritual. The characteristics of 'gutchum-pan to pray' can be summarized as follows. First, it goes through the following process: competition in the village group → competition in the group → competition among individuals. Second, repeated praying does not lead to 'gutchum'. Third, in the cases of praying for each of the occupation groups, the mudang can induce a bond of sympathy from the objects of praying directly, and this lead to dance. Fourth, the group that fails in being included in the category of praying gets to be alienated from 'gutchum-pan to pray' repeatedly.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Library and Information Science
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• v.45 no.2
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• pp.75-96
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• 2011

This research investigated the facts about the place and date of praying for the engraving of the first edition of Tripitaka Koreana. Major findings are as follows: 1) The very first idea of engraving the first edition of Tripitaka Koreana was evidenced in the record of 'The beginning of Tripitaka Koreana' from 'Daejanggakpan Gunsin Gigomun' written by YiGyuBo. 2) After comparing the contents of 'Daejanggakpan Gunsin Gigomun' with the record of the third volume of 'Goryeosa Jeolyo' dated February 13, 1011, this researcher confirmed that 'Daejanggakpan Gunsin Gigomun' also recorded this historical fact. 3) In the third volume of 'Goryeosa Jeolyo' dated February 13th, 1011, it is documented that a ritual was held to pray to the gods of heaven and earth for expelling the Kitan from the country. Further, the document states that this particular ritual consisted of a ceremony of lanterns held at the temporary palace in Cheongju on February 15th, to report to the gods on 'the engraving of the first edition of Tripitaka Koreana' 4) Therefore, it is verified that the date of praying for the engraving of the first edition of Tripitaka Koreana was February 15th of the lunar calendar, 1011(the second year of King Hyunjong's reign), and the place was the temporary palace in Cheongju.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.155-180
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• 2019

Samsaebulhoedo(三世佛會圖) at Yongjusa Temple(龍珠寺), regarded as a monumental masterpiece consisting of different elements such as Confucian and Buddhist ideas, palace academy garden and Buddhist artist styles, unique traditional and western painting styles, is one of the representative works that symbolically illustrate the development and innovation of painting in the late Joseon dynasty. However, the absence of painting inscriptions raised persistent controversy over the past half century among researchers as to the matters of estimating its production period, identifying the original author and analyzing style characteristics. In the end, the work failed to gain recognitions commensurate with its historical significance and value. It is the particularly vital issue in that estimating the production period of the existing masterpiece is the beginning of all other discussions. However, this issue has caused the ensuing debates since all details are difficult to be interpreted to a concise form due to a number of different records on painters and mixture of traditional buddhist painting styles used by buddhist painters and innovative western styles used by ordinary painters. Contrary to other ordinary Buddhist paintings, this painting, Samsaebulhoedo, has a praying letter for the royal establishment at the center of the main altar. It should be noted that regarding this painting, its original version-His Royal Highness King, Her Majesty, His Royal Crown Prince主上殿下, 王妃殿下, 世子邸下-was erased and instead added Her Love Majesty慈宮邸下 in front of Her Majesty. This praying letter can be assumed as one of the significant and objective evidence for estimating its production period. The new argument of the late 19th century production focused on this praying letter, and proposed that King Sunjo was then the first-born son when Yongjusa Temple was built in 1790 and it was not until January 1, 1800 that he was ascended to the Crown Prince. In this light, the existing praying letter with the eulogistic title-Crown Prince世子-should be considered revised after his ascension to the throne. Styles and icons bore some resemblance to Samsaebulhoedo at Cheongryongsa Temple or Bongeunsa Temple portrayed by Buddhist painters in the late 19th century. Therefore, the remaining Samsaebulhoedo should be depicted by them in the same period as western styles were introduced in Buddhist painting in later days. Following extensive investigations, praying letters in Buddhist paintings in the late 19th century show that it was usual to record specification such as class, birth date and family name of people during the dynasty at the point of producing Buddhist paintings. It is easy to find that those who passed away decades ago cannot be revised to use eulogistic titles as seen by the praying letters in Samsaebulhoedo at Yongju Temple. As "His Royal Highness King, Her Majesty, His Royal Crown Prince" was generally used around 1790 regardless of the presence of first-born son or Crown Prince, it was rather natural to write the eulogistic title "His Royal Crown Prince" in the praying letter of Samsaebulhoedo. Contrary to ordinary royal hierarchy, Her Love Majesty was placed in front of Her Majesty. Based on this, the praying letter was assumed to be revised since King Jeongjo placed royal status of Hyegyeonggung before the Queen, which was an exceptional case during King Jeongjo's reign, due to unusual relationships among King Jeongjo, Hyegyeonggung and the Queen arising from the death of Crown Prince(思悼世子). At that time, there was a special case of originally writing a formal tripod praying letter, as can be seen from ordinary praying letter in Buddhist paintings, erasing it and adding a special eulogistic title: Her Love Majesty. This indicates that King Jeongjo identified that Hyegyeonggung was erased, and commanded to add it; nevertheless, ceremony leaders of Yongju Temple, built as a palace for holding ceremonies of Hyeonryungwon(顯隆園) are Jeongjo, the son of his father and his wife Hyegyeonggung (Her Love Majesty)(惠慶宮(慈宮)). This revision is believed to be ordered by King Jeongjo on January 17, 1791 when the King paid his first visit to the Hyeonryungwon since the establishment of Hyeonryungwon and Yongju Temple, stopped by Yongju Temple on his way to palace and saw Samsaebulhoedo for the first and last time. As shown above, this letter consisting of special contents and forms can be seen an obvious, objective testament to the original of Samsebulhoedo painted in 1790 when Yongju Temple was built.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.22 no.5
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• pp.528-543
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• 2007

This study is on the characteristics of the food culture through the written folk poetries which were described vividly the life customs peculiar to the Nation and so much that were Korean National customs papers written by Chinese poetry - during the latter part of the Choson period. It is used the way which is studied by the literature after collection, analysis, synthesis the analyzed second material of the latter part of the Choson period's written folk poetries. It is summarized to below five contents of the characteristics of the food culture through the written folk poetries. The first is the various and abundant food culture. The second, that is the food culture of praying blessing and praying a fruitful. The people prayed to be a year of abundance of food stuff and train oneself and have medicine for their health, but there has been repeated seasonably an occult action for being blessing which had settled down to the beginning of the year's customs. The third, it is the food culture of share tender feeling with among the people. The fourth, it is the food culture of business and economy's growth image. The fifth, it is the food culture of an image of economic distress and the trouble between rich and poor.

• Journal of Korean Academy of Nursing
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• v.26 no.2
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• pp.443-466
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• 1996

Young children need continuous care and fostering by their family. They help children organize and develop their potential and grow to be and integrated individuals. Children are influenced by then family at first and continuously when they grow up and develop their capability. Especially, mothers spend a lot of time with time to their children, encourage children's growth, give advice, and do their best to take care of their children. The ethnographic study is to understand the patterns and rules of human behaviors. This study utilized this method in order to interpret the maternal health promoting behaviors for their children. The data were collected through the participant observation and direct interview for about 18 months in P city. The participants were 7 mothers, from 32 to 37 years old. They have children of ages 3 to 10 and 1 or 2 children in total. The data were analyzed through the Spradley's Ethnographic method and the results were summarized as follows : The viewpoints which influence maternal health promoting behaviors include “having childlike appearance”. “having childlike character”, “living without illness”, and “eating well”. The maternal health promoting behaviors for children are classified as “adapting to nature”, “supporting of ability”, “sharing with the family”, “training”, and “praying”. The adapting behaviors include “recognizing child's innate character”, “controlling maternal desires”, “preparing natural food”, which includes breast feeding. The supporting behaviors include “recognizing childlikeness”, “empowering”, and “restricting certain actions to preventing accidents”. In order to promote child's health, it is essential to promote mother's health first of all. The sharing with the family includes “promoting family concord or acquaintanceships concord” and “adapting to circumstances beyond family”. The training behaviors include “forming good habits” and “having good moral value”. It is very important to form good habits in childhood. The praying behavior include “waiting for opportunities” and “endeavoring activity to promote child's health”. The above 5 behaviors by mothers appeared to be able to promote children's health. The results of this study can be utilized to provide the basic information necessary to develop the patterns of maternal health promoting behaviors consistent with our culture and can contribute us develop the body of knowledge about the maternal health promotion for children in nursing.

• Journal of the Korean earth science society
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• v.21 no.1
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• pp.40-40
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• 2000

After analyzing the record of climate of the Chosun era with the weather data written on the true history of the Chosun Dynasty, and in comparison with the latest weather data in Seoul, the following conclusion has been reached. It s not easy to restore the climate of the Chosun era with the true history of the Chosun Dynasty only, for the data of the Chosun era is nothing but 5.4% of that the recent 10 years, centering around Seoul. The number of days of the praying for rain and fine weather have nothing to do with those of precipitation. The monthly number of days of precipitation and hail are similar to those of the recent 10 years, even though the data is not enough. The situation of the days of frost and fog are very different from that of the recent ,10 years. This suggests that they recorded the situation when there was a lot of casualties to men and property, while they didn't record it when there were no casualties because the precipitation occured at the time.

• Journal of the Korean earth science society
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• v.21 no.1
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• pp.41-50
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• 2000

After analyzing the record of climate of the Chosun era with the weather data written on the true history of the Chosun Dynasty, and in comparison with the latest weather data in Seoul, the following conclusion has been reached. It's not easy to restore the climate of the Chosun era with the true history of the Chosun Dynasty only, for the data of the Chosun era is nothing but 5.4% of that the recent 10 years, centering around Seoul. The number of days of the praying for rain and fine weather have nothing to do with those of precipitation. The monthly number of days of precipitation and hail are similar to those of the recent, years, even though the data is not enough. The situation of the days of frost and fog are very different from that of the recent.10 years. This suggests that they recorded the situation when there was a lot of casualties to men and property, while they didn't record it when there were no casualties because the precipitation occured at the time.

• Asian Pacific Journal of Cancer Prevention
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• v.13 no.9
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• pp.4789-4792
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• 2012

Aims: The purpose of this study was to investigate complementary and alternative medicine use among breast cancer survivors in Taiwan. Materials and Methods: This study employed a descriptive research design approach to detail the CAM use among the target population. Convenience sampling was used along with a structured questionnaire. Results: A total of 230 breast cancer survivors completed the use CAM scale. Prayer, reading books, taking antioxidants, eating various grains, and maintaining a vegetarian diet proved to be the five most frequently used CAM practices among patients in our study. More than 50.0% of the participants reported praying occasionally. More than 40.0% of participants read books occasionally, and 38.7% stated that they occasionally take antioxidants. Conclusions: These results provide more insight into CAM use for nurses who care for breast cancer patients.

• Proceedings of the Korea Information Processing Society Conference
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• 2017.04a
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• pp.1228-1231
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• 2017

The development of ICT brings the change in daily life and the digitized data are increasing in usage. The combination between GPS and internet results in extensive diffusion of space related information by way of smartphone, sensor and SNS. Jeju Island is only one special self-governing province in Republic of Korea and deserves to be proud of the unique culture, having those designated Intangible Cultural Heritage from UNESCO such as Culture of Jeju Haenyeo or Women Divers and Jeju Chilmeoridang Yeongdeunggut or Exorcism of Praying big Catch. In this paper, I suggest how to preserve fadable tradition economically and technically and expect to develop Haenyeo fitted portable sensors and IoT platform.