• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.77-105
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• 1996

The rural problems which we are facing start from the extremely small sized population and the skewed population structure by age and sex. Thus we analyzed the change of the rural population. And we analyzed the recent return migration to the rural areas by comparing the recent in-migrants with out-migrants to rural areas. And by analyzing the rural village survey data which was to show the current characteristics of rural population, we found out the effects of the in-migrants to the rural areas and predicted the futures of rural villages by characteristics. The changes of rural population composition by age was very clear. As the out-migrants towards cities carried on, the population composition of young children aged 0~4 years was low and the aged became thick. The proportion of the population aged 0~4 years was 45.1% of the total population in 1970 and dropped down to 20.4% in 1995, which is predicted to become under 20% from now on. In the same period(1970~1995), the population aged 65 years and over rose from 4.2% to 11.9%. In 1960, before industrialization, the proportion of the population aged 0~4 years in rural areas was higher than that of cities. As the rural young population continuously moves to cities it became lower than that in urban areas from 1975 and the gap grew till 1990. But the proportion of rural population aged 0~4 years in 1995 became 6.2% and the gap reduced. We can say this is the change of the characteristics of in-migrants and out-migrants in the rural areas. Also considering the composition of the population by age group moving from urban to rural area in the late 1980s, 51.8% of the total migrants concentrates upon age group of 20~34 years and these people's educational level was higher than that of out-migrants to urban areas. This fact predicted the changes of the rural population, and the results will turn out as a change in the rural society. However, after comparing the population structure between the pure rural village of Boeun-gun and suburban village of Paju-gun which was agriculture centered village but recently changed rapidly, the recent change of the rural population structure which the in-migrants to rural areas becomes younger is just a phenomenon in the suburban rural areas, not the change of the total rural areas in general. From the characteristics of the population structure of rural village from the field survey on these villages, we can see that in the pure rural villages without any effects from cities the regidents are highly aged, while industrialization and urbanization are making a progress in suburban villages. Therefore, the recent partial change of the rural population structure and the change of characteristics of the in-migrants toward rural areas is effecting and being effected by the population change of areas like suburban rural villages. Although there are return migrants to rural areas to change their jobs into agriculture, this is too minor to appear as a statistic effect.

• Radiation Oncology Journal
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• v.19 no.3
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• pp.237-244
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• 2001

Purpose : To assess the tolerance, complete response rate, bladder preservation rate and survival rate in patients with muscle-invading bladder cancer treated with selective bladder preservation protocol. Method and Materials : From October 1990 to June 1998, twenty six patients with muscle-invading bladder cancer (clinical stage T2-4, N0-3, M0) were enrolled for the treatment protocol of bladder preservation. They were treated with maximal TURBT (transurethral resection of bladder tumor) and 2 cycles of MCV chemotherapy (methotrexate, crisplatin, and vinblastine) followed by $39.6\~45\;Gy$ pelvic irradiation with concomitant cisplatin. After complete urologic evaluation (biopsy or cytology), the patients who achieved complete response were planed for bladder preservation treatment and treated with consolidation cisplatin and radiotherapy (19.8 Gy). The patients who had incomplete response were planed to immediate radical cystectomy. If they refused radical cystectomy, they were treated either with TURBT followed by MCV or cisplatin chemotherapy and radiotherapy. The median follow-up duration is 49.5 months. Results : The Patients with stage T2-3a and T3b-4a underwent complete removal of tumor or gross tumor removal by TURBT, respectively. Twenty one out of 26 patients $(81\%)$ successfully completed the protocol of the planned chemo-radiotherapy. Seven patients had documented complete response. Six of them were treated with additional consolidation cisplatin and radiotherapy. One patient was treated with 2 cycles of MCV chemotherapy due to refusal of chemo-radiotherapy. Five of 7 complete responders had functioning tumor-free bladder. Fourteen patients of incomplete responders were further treated with one of the followings : radical cystectomy (1 patient), or TURBT and 2 cycles of MCV chemotherapy (3 patients), or cisplatin and radiotherapy (10 patients). Thirteen patients of them were not treated with planned radical cystectomy due to patients' refusal (9 patients) or underlying medical problems (4 patients). Among twenty one patients, 12 patients $(58\%)$ were alive with their preserved bladder, 8 patients died with the disease, 1 patient died of intercurrent disease. The 5 years actuarial survival rates according to CR and PR after MCV chemotherapy and cisplatin chemoradiotherapy were $80\%\;and\;14\%$, respectively (u=0.001). Conclusion : In selected patients with muscle-invading bladder cancer, the bladder preservation could be achieved by MCV chemotherapy and cisplatin chemo-radiotherapy. All patients tolerated well this bladder preservation protoco. The availability of complete TURBT and the responsibility of neoadjuvant chemotherapy and chemoradiotherapy were important predictors for bladder preservation and survival. The patients who had not achieved complete response after neoadjuvant chemotherapy and chemoradiotherapy should be immediate radical cystectomy. A randomized prospective trial might be essential to determine more accurate indications between cystectomy or bladder preservation.

• Journal of Korean Theatre Studies Association
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• no.40
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• pp.163-206
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• 2010

Um die Jahrhundertwende des 20. Jahrhunderts besinnt sich Theater als ein Kunstwerk auf seine eigene $Realit{\ddot{a}}t$, $K{\ddot{o}}rper$, Raum und Zeit. Die Existenzweise des Theaterkunstwerks ist $Auff{\ddot{u}}hrung$. Die Kennzeichen der $Auff{\ddot{u}}hrung$ ist Transitorik, Unmittelbarkeit und Ereignishaftigkeit. $Auff{\ddot{u}}hrungsanalyse$ der Theaterwissenschaft als Disziplin wird lange Zeit $vernachl{\ddot{a}}ssigt$, weil $Auff{\ddot{u}}hrung$ ein Opfer der Zeit ist. Angesichts der $Auf{\ddot{u}}hrungsanalyse$ $mu{\ss}$ man eine Invariante zur $Verf{\ddot{u}}gung$ stellen, um einen Gegenstand zu analysieren. Die Inszenierung als ${\ddot{a}}sthetischer$ Gegenstand ist einmalig und unwiederbringlich. Das $B{\ddot{u}}hnengeschehen$ ist materielle $Realit{\ddot{a}}t$, die von dem Zuschauer sinnlich - optisch und akustisch - erfahren wird. Die Inszenierung realisiert sich in 'drei $B{\ddot{u}}hnengestalten$': 'Intendierte $B{\ddot{u}}hnengestalt$', 'realen $B{\ddot{u}}hnengestalt$' und 'vermeinte $B{\ddot{u}}hnengestalt$'. Die $Auff{\ddot{u}}hrung$ konkretisiert sich im Kopf des Zuschauers nicht als eine reale $B{\ddot{u}}hnengestalt$, sondern als ein '${\ddot{a}}sthetisches$ Objekt', 'als Abdruck der $B{\ddot{u}}hnenvorg{\ddot{a}}nge$'. Der Platz des $Auff{\ddot{u}}hrungsanalytikers$ ist der des Zuschauers, des Rezipienten. Die ${\ddot{a}}sthetische$ $B{\ddot{u}}hnengestalt$ ist eine Rekonstruktion der selektiven wahrgenommenden $Auff{\ddot{u}}hrung$, die der 'realen $B{\ddot{u}}hnengestalt$' ${\ddot{a}}hnelt$. Diese Rekonstruktion als neue $Sch{\ddot{o}}pfung$ des Rezipienten ist "Simulacrum", das der dem Objekt $hinzugef{\ddot{u}}gte$ Intellekt ist. Der Begriff der $Auff{\ddot{u}}hrungsanalyse$ wird Synonym $f{\ddot{u}}r$ die Interpretation als hermeneutischer $Proze{\ss}$. $F{\ddot{u}}r$ die Methode der $Auff{\ddot{u}}hrungsanalyse$ gibt es Strukturanalyse und Transformationsanalyse. Strukturanalyse geht $ausschlie{\ss}lich$ von der $Auff{\ddot{u}}hrung$ aus. Transformationsanalyse geht von der Transformation des Textes aus. $F{\ddot{u}}r$ diese Arbeit steht dramaturgische Analyse von Shakespeares Romeo und Julia als erste Grundlage. Die Handlungsentwicklung von Romeo und Julia ist klar in '$f{\ddot{u}}nf$ Akte' eingeteilt, die insgesamt aus 24 Szenen bestehen. Die Gesamthandlung von Romeo und Julia baut sich $pyramidenf{\ddot{o}}rmig$ nach dem Schema der steigenden und fallenden Handlung auf: Exposition/ Ausgangssituation (bis zur ersten Begegnung des Liebespaares auf dem Fest), erregendes Moment als Steigerung (von der Verliebtheit bis zur $Eheschlie{\ss}ung$), Wendepunkt/ Peripetie (Mercutios Tod), retardierendes Moment (Julias Scheintod) und Katastrophe (Vereinigung im Grabe). Die Handlung des $St{\ddot{u}}ckes$ gliedert sich in eine Haupt- und eine Nebenhandlung: dominierend ist die Liebeshandlung zwischen Romeo und Julia, daneben steht die Entwicklung der Fehde zwischen den Familien von Montague und Capulet; sie sind 'sich gegenseitig bedingend, steigernd, hemmend und vernichtend'. Parallelisierung und Kontrast der Figurenkonstellation werden in den jeweils sozial oder im Alter entsprechenden Figuren aus den beiden verfeindeten Familien gezeigt. Die Thematik des $St{\ddot{u}}ckes$ kommt in dem Oxymoron "loving hate" (I.1.175) zum Ausdruck. Shakespeare $l{\ddot{a}}sst$ die Liebeshandlung von Romeo und Julia in der Art der de casibus-$Trag{\ddot{o}}die$ spielen; deren Handlungsmuster ist 'dargestellt im Rad der Fortuna, das einen Menschen $emportr{\ddot{a}}gt$ und wieder $abst{\ddot{u}}rzen$ $l{\ddot{a}}sst$'. Das $St{\ddot{u}}ck$ Romeo und Julia ist eine experimentelle $Trag{\ddot{o}}die$. Es beginnt als $Kom{\ddot{o}}die$ mit $Z{\ddot{u}}gen$ einer Romanze, die sich aus dem Motiv der privaten Liebe und Heirat entwickelt. Pater Lorenzo und die Amme treten mit Lorenzos Wissen von der magischen Kraft der $Kr{\ddot{a}}uter$ und der $Geschw{\ddot{a}}tzigkeit$ der Amme $h{\ddot{a}}ufig$ in der $Kom{\ddot{o}}die$ auf. Die Handlung von Romeo und Julia erreicht mit Mercutios Tod den Wendepunkt, der die komische Welt zur tragischen umwandelt. $F{\ddot{u}}r$ die Sprache gibt es Prosa der Diener wie die Alltagssprache der einfachen Leute und zugleich Verse der Adeligen. Shakespeare verwendet eine kontrastreiche Metaphorik $f{\ddot{u}}r$ Raum und Zeit. Dreimal geschehen am Tag die $K{\ddot{a}}mpfe$ der verfeindeten Familien auf den ${\ddot{o}}ffentlichen$ $Pl{\ddot{a}}tzen$. Der Tag wirft ein Licht auf den Hass und die Gewalt. Die Nacht aber ist die $Sph{\ddot{a}}re$ der Liebe, wo Romeo und Julia ihre heimliche Verbindung verborgen halten $k{\ddot{o}}nnen$. Die Liebenden treffen sich in der Nacht und in dem ummauerten Raum. Oh, Tae-Suks "Romeo und Julia" wird in der Form des Madangguks gestaltet. Die Handlung in Oh, Tae- Suks Textfassung ist also nicht nach dem Prinzip der $Kausalit{\ddot{a}}t$ und Folgerichtigkeit zu lesen wie im Shakespeare-Drama. Wegen dem Ignorieren der $Kausalit{\ddot{a}}t$ des Handlungsablaufes und dem Fehlen der Motivation der Handlung ergibt sich hier keine individuelle psychologische Figurencharakterisierung. Die Figuren sind typisiert. Die koreanische Textfassung mit den extremen textlichen $Verk{\ddot{u}}rzungen$ und den zwei szenischen $Hinzuf{\ddot{u}}gungen$ $pr{\ddot{a}}gt$ die Inszenierung dahingehend, dass an die Stelle der Wortsprache mehr $K{\ddot{o}}rpersprache$ und szenische Bilder treten. Die langen Sprechpartien der Figuren im Shakespeare-Drama werden meistens $gek{\ddot{u}}rzt$ und $beschr{\ddot{a}}nken$ sich entweder auf Informationen ${\ddot{u}}ber$ die Situation oder zur Handlungsentwicklung. Und der Handlungsablauf erfolgt in Episoden sowie Musik, Lied und Tanz; Musik, Lied und Tanz dienen einerseits dem ${\ddot{U}}bergang$ der Szenen, sind aber andererseits auch selbst Teil des Handlungsablaufs. $W{\ddot{a}}hrend$ Shakespeare die Sprache der $W{\ddot{o}}rter$ in den Vordergrund $r{\ddot{u}}ckt$, $st{\ddot{u}}tzt$ Oh, Tae-Suk sich mehr auf die Sprache des $K{\ddot{o}}rpers$, die ja zugleich bildhaft ist. $Daf{\ddot{u}}r$ nimmt die Inszenierung Tanz und Lieder. Oh, Tae-Suks Inszenierung entwirft Shakespeares $Trag{\ddot{o}}die$ in der Form des Madangguks als Spiel und zugleich als erkennentnisorientiertes, nachdenkliches Theater $f{\ddot{u}}r$ den koreanischen Zuschauer, das dem traditionellen koreanischen Theater als Unterhaltungstheater nicht $m{\ddot{o}}glich$ ist, in dem sich das Volk von der Wirklichkeit erleichterte und sich $vergn{\ddot{u}}gte$. Oh, Tae-Suk formt das Publikum zum 'Wir' und zugleich zum 'Ich'. Mit dem Zusammensein der $v{\ddot{o}}llig$ andernen Theaterkulturen schafft der Reigisseur das hybride Theater und dadurch bildet $f{\ddot{u}}r$ die moderne koreanische Gesellschaft eine neue kulturelle $Identit{\ddot{a}}t$ heraus.

• Asia Marketing Journal
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.65-96
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• 2012

Brand has received much attention from considerable marketing research. When consumers consume product or services, they are exposed to a lot of brand related stimuli. These contain brand personality, brand experience, brand identity, brand communications and so on. A special kind of new crisis occasionally confronting companies' brand management today is the brand related rumor. An important influence on consumers' purchase decision making is the word-of-mouth spread by other consumers and most decisions are influenced by other's recommendations. In light of this influence, firms have reasonable reason to study and understand consumer-to-consumer communication such as brand rumor. The importance of brand rumor to marketers is increasing as the number of internet user and SNS(social network service) site grows. Due to the development of internet technology, people can spread rumors without the limitation of time, space and place. However relatively few studies have been published in marketing journals and little is known about brand rumors in the marketplace. The study of rumor has a long history in all major social science. But very few studies have dealt with the antecedents and consequences of any kind of brand rumor. Rumor has been generally described as a story or statement in general circulation without proper confirmation or certainty as to fact. And it also can be defined as an unconfirmed proposition, passed along from people to people. Rosnow(1991) claimed that rumors were transmitted because people needed to explain ambiguous and uncertain events and talking about them reduced associated anxiety. Especially negative rumors are believed to have the potential to devastate a company's reputation and relations with customers. From the perspective of marketer, negative rumors are considered harmful and extremely difficult to control in general. It is becoming a threat to a company's sustainability and sometimes leads to negative brand image and loss of customers. Thus there is a growing concern that these negative rumors can damage brands' reputations and lead them to financial disaster too. In this study we aimed to distinguish antecedents of brand rumor transmission and investigate the effects of brand rumor characteristics on rumor spread intention. We also found key components in personal acceptance of brand rumor. In contextualist perspective, we tried to unify the traditional psychological and sociological views. In this unified research approach we defined brand rumor's characteristics based on five major variables that had been found to influence the process of rumor spread intention. The five factors of usefulness, source credibility, message credibility, worry, and vividness, encompass multi level elements of brand rumor. We also selected product involvement as a control variable. To perform the empirical research, imaginary Korean 'Kimch' brand and related contamination rumor was created and proposed. Questionnaires were collected from 178 Korean samples. Data were collected from college students who have been experienced the focal product. College students were regarded as good subjects because they have a tendency to express their opinions in detail. PLS(partial least square) method was adopted to analyze the relations between variables in the equation model. The most widely adopted causal modeling method is LISREL. However it is poorly suited to deal with relatively small data samples and can yield not proper solutions in some cases. PLS has been developed to avoid some of these limitations and provide more reliable results. To test the reliability using SPSS 16 s/w, Cronbach alpha was examined and all the values were appropriate showing alpha values between .802 and .953. Subsequently, confirmatory factor analysis was conducted successfully. And structural equation modeling has been used to analyze the research model using smartPLS(ver. 2.0) s/w. Overall, R² of adoption of rumor is .476 and R² of intention of rumor transmission is .218. The overall model showed a satisfactory fit. The empirical results can be summarized as follows. According to the results, the variables of brand rumor characteristic such as source credibility, message credibility, worry, and vividness affect argument strength of rumor. And argument strength of rumor also affects rumor intention. On the other hand, the relationship between perceived usefulness and argument strength of rumor is not significant. The moderating effect of product involvement on the relations between argument strength of rumor and rumor W.O.M intention is not supported neither. Consequently this study suggests some managerial and academic implications. We consider some implications for corporate crisis management planning, PR and brand management. This results show marketers that rumor is a critical factor for managing strong brand assets. Also for researchers, brand rumor should become an important thesis of their interests to understand the relationship between consumer and brand. Recently many brand managers and marketers have focused on the short-term view. They just focused on strengthen the positive brand image. According to this study we suggested that effective brand management requires managing negative brand rumors with a long-term view of marketing decisions.

• Korean journal of applied entomology
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• v.13 no.3 s.20
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• pp.105-133
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• 1974

The present study is an attempt to solve the basic problems involved in the control of the Sclerotium disease. The biologic stranis of Sclerotium rolfsii Sacc., pathogen of Sclerotium disease of Magnolia kobus, were differentiated, and the effects of vitamins, various nitrogen and carbon sources on its mycelial growth and sclerotial production have been investigated. In addition the relationship between the cultural filtrate of Penicillium sp. and the growth of Sclerotium rolfsii, the tolerance of its mycelia or sclerotia to moist heat or drought and to Benlate (methyl-(butylcarbamoy 1)-2-benzimidazole carbamate), Tachigaren (3-hydroxy-5-methylisoxazole) and other chemicals were also clarified. The results are summarizee as follows: 1. There were two biologic strains, Type-l and Type-2 among isolates. They differed from each other in the mode of growth and colonial appearance on the media, aversion phenomenon and in their pathogenicity. These two types had similar pathogenicity to the Magnolia kobus and Robinia pseudoacasia, but behaved somewhat differently to the soybaen and cucumber, the Type-l being more virulent. 2. Except potassium nitrite, sodium nitrite and glycine, all of the 12 nitrogen sources tested were utilized for the mycelial growth and sclerotial production of this fungus when 10r/l of thiamine hydrochloride was added in the culture solution. Considering the forms of nitrogen, ammonium nitrogen was more available than nitrate nitrogen for the growth of mycelia, but nitrate nitrogen was better for sclerotia formation. Organic nitrogen showed different availabilities according to compounds used. While nitrite nitrogen was unavailable for both mycelial growth and sclerotial formation whether thiamine hydrochlioride was added or not. 3. Seven kinds of carbon sources examined were not effective in general, as long as thiamine hydrochloride was not added. When thiamine hydrochloride was added, glucose and saccharose exhibited mycelial growth, while rnaltose and soluble starch gave lesser, and xylose, lactose, and glycine showed no effect at all,. In the sclerotial production, all the tested carbon sources, except lactose, were effective, and glucose, maltose, saccharose, and soluble starch gave better results. 4. At the same level of nitrogen, the amount of mycelial growth increased as more carbon Sources were applied but decreased with the increase of nitrogen above 0.5g/1. The amount of sclerotial production decreased wi th the increase of carbon sources. 5. Sclerotium rolfsii was thiamine-defficient and required thiamine 20r/l for maximun growth of mycelia. At a higher concentration of more than 20r/l, however, mycelial growth decreased as the concentration increased, and was inhibited at l50r/l to such a degree of thiamine-free. 6. The effect of the nitrogen sources on the mycelial growth under the presence of thiamine were recognized in the decreasing order of $NH_4NO_3,\;(NH_4)_2SO_4,\;asparagine,\;KNO_3$, and their effects on the sclerotial production in the order of $KNO_3,\;NH_4NO_3,\;asparagine,\;(NH_4)_2SO_4$. The optimum concentration of thiamine was about 12r/l in $KNO_3$ and about 16r/l in asparagine for the growth of mycelia; about 8r/l in $KNO_3$ and $NH_4NO_3$, and 16r/l in asparagine for the production of sclerotia. 7. After the fungus started to grow, the pH value of cultural filtrate rapidly dropped to about 3.5. Hereafter, its rate slowed down as the growth amount increased and did not depreciated below pH2.2. 8. The role of thiamine in the growth of the organism was vital. If thiamine was not added, the combination of biotin, pyridoxine, and inositol did not show any effects on the growth of the organism at all. Equivalent or better mycelial growth was recognized in the combination of thiamine+pyridoxine, thiamine+inositol, thiamine+biotin+pyridoxine, and thiamine+biotin+pyridoxine+inositol, as compared with thiamine alone. In the combinations of thiamine+biotin and thiamine+biotin+inositol, mycelial growth was inhibited. Sclerotial production in dry weight increased more in these combinations than in the medium of thiamine alone. 9. The stimulating effects of the Penicillium cultural filtrate on the mycelial growth was noticed. It increased linearly with the increase of filtrate concentration up to 6-15 ml/50ml basal medium solution. 10. $NH_4NO_3$. as a nitrogen source for mycelial growth was more effective than asparasine regardless of the concentration of cultural filtrate. 11. In the series of fractionations of the cultural filtrate, mycelial growth occured in unvolatile, ether insoluble cation-adsorbed or anion-unadsorbed substance fractions among the fractions of volatile, unvolatile acids, ether soluble organic acids, ether insoluble, cation-adsorbed, cation-unadsorbed, anion-adsorbed and anion-unadsorbed. and anion-un-adsorbed substance tested. Sclerotia were produced only in cation-adsorbed fraction. 12. According to the above results, it was assumed that substances for the mycelial growth and sclerotial formation and inhibitor of sclerotial formation were include::! in cultural filtrate and they were quite different from each other. I was further assumed that the former two substances are un volatile, ether insotuble, and adsorbed to cation-exchange resin, but not adsorbed to anion, whereas the latter is unvolatile, ether insoluble, and not adsorbed to cation or anion-exchange resin. 13. Seven amino acids-aspartic acid, cystine, glysine, histidine, Iycine, tyrosine and dinitroaniline-were detected in the fractions adsorbed to cation-exchange resin by applying the paper chromatography improved with DNP-amino acids. 14. Mycelial growth or sclerotial production was not stimulated significantly by separate or combined application of glutamic acid, aspartic acid, cystine, histidine, and glysine. Tyrosine gave the stimulating effect when applied .alone and when combined with other amino acids in some cases. 15. The tolerance of sclerotia to moist heat varied according to their water content, that was, the dried sclerotia are more tolerant than wet ones. The sclerotia harvested directly from the media, both Type-1 and Type-2, lost viability within 5 minutes at $52^{\circ}C$. Sclerotia dried for 155 days at$26^{\circ}C$ had more tolerance: sclerotia of Type-l were killed in 15 mins. at $52^{\circ}C$ and in 5 mins. at $57^{\circ}C$, and sclerotia of Type-2 were killed in 10 mins. both at $52^{\circ}C$ or $57^{\circ}C$. 16. Cultural sclerotia of both strains maintained good germinability for 132 days at$26^{\circ}C$. Natural sclerotia of them stored for 283 days under air dry condition still had good germinability, even for 443 days: type-l and type-2 maintained $20\%$ and $26.9\%$ germinability, respectively. 17. The tolerance to low temperature increased in the order of mycelia, felts and sclerotia. Mycelia completely lost the ability to grow within 1 week at $7-8^{\circ}C$> below zero, while mycelial felts still maintained the viability after .3 weeks at $7-20^{\circ}C$ below zero, and sclerotia were even more tolerant. 18. Sclerotia of type-l and type-2 were killed when dipped into the $0.05\%$ solution of mercury chloride for 180 mins. and 240 mins. respectively: and in the $0.1\%$ solution, Type-l for 60 mins. and Type-2 for 30 mins. In the $0.125\%$ uspulun solution, Type-l sclerotia were killed in 180 mins., and those of Type-2 were killed for 90 mins. in the$0.125\%$solution. Dipping into the $5\%$ copper sulphate solution or $0.2\%$ solution of Ceresan lime or Mercron for 240 mins. failed to kill sclerotia of either Type-l or Type-2. 19. Inhibitory effect on mycelial growth of Benlate or Tachi-garen in the liquid culture increased as the concentration increased. 6 days after application, obvious inhibitory effects were found in all treatments except Benlate 0.5ppm; but after 12 days, distingushed diflerences were shown among the different concentrations. As compared with the control, mycelial growth was inhibited by $66\%$ at 0.5ppm and by $92\%$ at 2.0ppm of Benlate, and by$54\%$ at 1ppm and about $77\%$ at 1.5ppm or 2.0ppm of Tachigaren. The mycelial growth was inhibited completely at 500ppm of both fungicides, and the formation of sclerotia was checked at 1,000ppm of Benlate ant at 500ppm or 1,000ppm of Tachigaren. 20. Consumptions of glucose or ammonium nitrogen in the culture solution usually increased with the increment of mycelial growth, but when Benlate or Tachigaren were applied, consumptions of glucose or ammonium nitrogen were inhibited with the increment of concentration of the fungicides. At the low concentrations of Benlate (0.5ppm or 1ppm), however, ammonium nitrogen consumption was higher than that of the ontrol. 21. The amount of mycelia produced by consuming 1mg of glucose or ammonium nitrogen in the culture solution was lowered markedly by Benlate or Tachigaren. Such effects were the severest on the third day after their treatment in all concentrations, and then gradually recovered with the progress of time. 22. In the sand culture, mycelial growth was not inhibited. It was indirectly estimated by the amount of $CO_2$ evolved at any concentrations, except in the Tachigaren 100mg/g sand in which mycelial growth was inhibited significantly. Sclerotial production was completely depressed in the 10mg/g sand of Benlate or Tachigaren. 23. There was no visible inhibitory effect on the germination of sclerotia when the sclerotia were dipped in the solution 0.1, 1.0, 100, 1.000ppm of Benlate or Tachigaren for 10 minutes or even 20 minutes.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.19-48
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• 1974

Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.