• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
• /
• v.43 no.4
• /
• pp.599-619
• /
• 2008

Korean peninsula has a long history and a geopolitical location as a buffer tone, which has provided the conditions for cultural dynamism and diversity across space and time. The changing processes of place names in Korea is considered to be better suited to the study on cultural politics that is interested in the culture wars over the meaning of culture among different social subjects. In order to ensure the legitimacy of cultural politics for the study of place names in Korea, this study attempts to make a theoretical construction based on the concepts of place identity, territorial contestation, and the politics of scale. Cultural and linguistic theories to be best applied to the study of place names in Korea are the theories on Angehm's and Castells' identity, $P{\hat{e}}cheux's$ identification, Hall's decoding, and Voloshinov's ideological sign. Power relations involved in the inclusion and exclusion are necessarily concerned with the process of constructing a place identity or territorial identity by means of a place name, which represents identity and ideology of a social subject. In the examination of this process, it is necessary to take the elements of identity, ideology and power relations into consideration. In this study, therefore, the politics of scale is experimented for its applicability in the study of place name in Korea, which is expected to accommodate concepts of boundary, territory, territoriality and territorialization. In the end, it is suggested in this study that a series of basic and interdisciplinary studies on the cultural politics of place names in a range of area should be undertaken along with the enough theoretical knowledge of cultural politics.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
• /
• v.41 no.1 s.112
• /
• pp.39-57
• /
• 2006

Place marketing strategy is an research or policy field of cultural politics on which various meanings, discourses and practices are deployed, contested and negotiated surrounding the development or destruction of urban cultures. So it is needed to correct and concrete understanding about the cultural significations of place marketing strategy. In that sense, this study aims to establish the concept and methodology of place marketing strategy as urban culture development strategy. At first, the theory of cultural politics of space and cultural political approach to the place marketing strategy are reviewed. And then, basic concept of place marketing strategy and the process of place marketing strategy are established. Finally, with drawing the cultual political factors(named SAUNE factors), the methodology of place marketing strategy is systematized.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
• /
• v.16 no.2
• /
• pp.110-122
• /
• 2010

This article is to study the characteristics of Chungju geographical names using the concepts which are the place identity, the politics of scale, and the competition of place names' territory for the diverse study methods of geographical names. According to this results, the new name of 'Suanbo-Myun' revealed the place identity, because it has not only the property of 'Suanbo hot spring' but also the three conditions called 'the numerical solitary', 'the qualitative identity', and 'the self-identity' which are the conditions for the place identity. In relation to the politics of scale through place names, the example of scaling up is 'Yian-Myun' which is former name of 'Chungju city Yiru-Myun', and the cases of scaling down are 'the up and down of Chungju Up Ho', the reductional change from 'Chungju-Gun' to 'Chungju-Myun' and the change of Chinese name of the 'Wolak Mountain'. Lastly, the examples of place names' territory change are two types. One is 'Chungju Yongdu-Dong' and 'Yiru-Myune Geumgok-Ri' for the cases that the place name and its territory were changed. The other is 'Dalchon river' that the place name's territory was only changed. In conclusion, this study suggested that place names are useful in order to represent and construct the place identity.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
• /
• v.44 no.6
• /
• pp.779-796
• /
• 2009

Pimat-gil is a bystreet over 600-years old of Jong-no in Seoul that originated in the early Joseon Dynasty. This Study defines Pimat-gol (a street village) that has developed centering around Pimat-gil (alley) as a typical backlane of modern city, traces the origin and landscapes of Pimat-gol through the historical geographies of this place, and tries to name and interpret the placeness of Pimat-gol from the angles of social and cultural geography, particularly on the basis of the concept 'place memory'. As a result, the author extracts the placeness of Pimat-gol in terms of juxtaposition of three-fold layers, ie., 'space of subaltern vs. space of escape', 'space of oblivion vs. space of recollecttion and generation', and 'space of fossil vs. space of living'. In addition, the author examines the place memories which have been sedimented in this place and the contest of the place-memories by investigating these three-fold layers, and makes a proposal which would constructs another spatiality of modern city on the basis of this case.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
• /
• v.10 no.4
• /
• pp.800-823
• /
• 2004

This paper aims at examining the ways in which foreign immigrant workers in South Korea have been "forgotten" and "marginalized" in the regulatory politics of globalization and how the politics of "forgetting" has influenced the formation of immigrant local communities in South Korea. More specifically, by focusing on the immigrant community in Wongok dong, Ansan, it explores the forming questions. First, under what conditions has Wongok' dong become one of the biggest communities for foreign workers in South Korea? Second, how has the growth of the Wongok-dong immigrant community been influenced by the politics of "exclusion", and "inclusion" taking place at various geographical scales? Based on this case study, this paper suggests that the practices of "exclusion" and "forgetting" should not be seen as an inevitable outcome of globalization; instead, they need to be seen as an outcome of political processes, in which the practices of "exclusion" and "inclusion" are intertwined with one another through interactions and negotiations among different interests and ideas that take place in the multi-scalar regulatory processes, which contribute to the (material and discursive) construction of globalization.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
• /
• v.17 no.3
• /
• pp.270-296
• /
• 2011

The named source kept in all place names alludes to the close relationship between place name and its place while it also becomes a fundamental condition for geographical research on place names. Meanwhile, the named source may be recognized differently according to who the social subjects producing and changing place names Life. Place names represent and constitute the identity and the ideology of the diverse social subjects. This aspect is related to cultural politics concerned with conflicts and contestation among different social subjects over the meaning of place names. Particularly, the Gongju-Mok Jingwan Area in the Korean peninsula has long history and geopolitical location as a borderland and a buffer zone. As a result, it has provided many conditions for cultural diversity and power relations, both of which have caused social subjects to contest their social power across space and time, and has led to produce the several types in the changes of place names. Therefore, this paper aims to investigate the types according to the named source, especially that of the forepart of place names morpheme, and those cultural-political meanings. These place names are classified into three large groups, such as the physical place names, the social place names, and the economic place names. These types of place names have represented the place identity and the ideology of diverse social subjects, and also accompanied the changes by power relations between themselves.

• SUVANNABHUMI
• /
• v.11 no.2
• /
• pp.59-83
• /
• 2019

The Chinese Belt Road initiatives in the Southeast Asian countries marked a new chapter in the development of China political influence on this region. This article looks at the initiative from the cultural dimension and aims to place its narrative as the entry point to understand the use of identity politics in Asian countries that target the Chinese diaspora. This topic relates to the primordial sentiments of Southeast Asian nations amid massive Chinese investment in the region. The issue of Chinese investments under the Belt Road Initiative corridor has a relationship with the formation of anti-Chinese discourse and anti-communist in some Southeast Asian countries. We took the cases of Indonesian and Malaysian elections to observe the use of identity politics and anti-Chinese political discourse in Southeast Asia. In both cases, a common issue emerged, that of the strengthening both Islamic and indigenous sensibilities. The establishment of ASEAN during the Cold War may be seen then as an anti-thesis to emerging Chinese power. However, anti-Chinese and anti-communism sentiments were not enough to unite the forces of the nations of Southeast Asia. We have concluded that brotherhood, mutual prosperity, and anti-neo-colonialism are yet to be fostered completely to make a distinct ASEAN identity.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
• /
• v.13 no.3
• /
• pp.312-334
• /
• 2010

This paper examines the process of Gyeongbu Highway construction from the standpoint of political economy, which was pursued by President Park Jeong-Hee in the 1960s, focusing on the politics of mobility and demarcation implied in it. As results of examination, it can be argued that Gyeongbu Highway was seen as a powerful element to promote a socio-spatial integration of population and hence to enforce an authoritative political power of the Park regime through creation of mobility; that it has had an strong impact on changing the physical landscape of national space and the spatio-temporal rhythm of everyday life by extending the 'machine space' as a non-place; that it has provided a physical infrastructure on which the period of capital circulation could be reduced through its effect of space-time compression. But Gyeongbu Highway has led serious problems such as uneven regional development, expansion of non-place or alienated place, ecological destruction and pollution. In conclusion, a sustainable politics is suggested to overcome this kind of 'tragedy of highway' and to develop the highway as a true way of political and spatial balance and integration.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
• /
• v.19 no.2
• /
• pp.148-168
• /
• 2020

In April, 2020, amid widespread fear of a second wave of infections of the novel coronavirus in China, local authorities in Guangzhou cracked down on the city's black population, resulting in mass evictions of Africans. The incident raises several questions about racism in China. How should we interpret this heavy-handed treatment of black people? Was this an isolated incident? What motivated such operations? In this article, I explain social control of Guangzhou's African communities as a problem of municipal politics. What underlies the government's heavy handed approach, I argue, are those communities' ties to rurality, which constitute a roadblock in the city's urban upgrade. Using Dengfeng Village, one of the best known African communities in China, as a case study, I show that efforts to upgrade the area by the local state and the real estate industry were frustrated by the community's status as an urban village. Africans, whom Chinese have historically associated with rurality, are seen as contributing to a space that has long been stigmatized as a spatial manifestation of rural people's lack of self-discipline. To better reveal the interconnection between social control and urban politics, I place official action in context of the history of the community's formation and the lived experience. This analysis of Dengfeng applies to various extents to other major African communities in Guangzhou.

• Journal of National Security and Military Science
• /
• s.7
• /
• pp.1-24
• /
• 2009

This article deals with military thought in general. First I tried to distinguish 'thought' from 'theory', 'philosophy', and 'principle'. Thought means the act of thinking about or considering something, an idea or opinion, or a set of ideas about a particular subject, e.g. military affairs in the present discussion. Theory means a formal statement of the rules on which a subject of study is based or of ideas which are suggested to explain a fact or event or, more generally, an opinion or explanation. Philosophy means the use of reason in understanding such things as the nature of reality and existence, the use and limits of knowledge. Principle means a basic idea or rule that explains or controls how something happens or works. Chapter 3 summarized the characteristics of military thoughts into five points', (i) it is closely related with concrete experiences of a nation; (ii) it includes philosophical and logical arguments; (iii) it relies heavily on the political thought of a nation; (iv) it includes necessarily value-judgments; (v) it contains visions of a nation which are not only descriptions or explanations of military affairs, but also evaluations and advocacies. Chapter 4 considers the relation of international political thoughts to military thought. Throughout the history of the modem states system there have been three competing traditions of thought: the Hobbesian or realist tradition, which views international politics as a state of war; the Kantian or universalist tradition, which sees at work in international politics a potential community of mankind; and the Grotian or internationalist tradition, which views international politics as taking place within an international society. Chapter 5 considers the law of war, which is a body of law concerning acceptable justifications to engage in war (jus ad bellum) and the limits to acceptable wartime conduct (jus in bello). Among other issues, modem laws of war address declarations of war, acceptance of surrender and the treatment of prisoners of war, military necessity along with distinction and proportionality, and the prohibition of certain weapons that may cause unnecessary suffering.