• Title/Summary/Keyword: Political process

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The Political Environment and the President's Influence for Policy toward North Korea: Focusing on the process of 'Special Zone of Peace and Cooperation in the West Sea' policy making (대북정책 결정의 정치적 환경과 대통령의 영향력 : '서해평화협력특별지대' 정책결정 과정을 중심으로)

  • Kim, Yoon Young;Choi, Sun
    • Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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    • v.24 no.1
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    • pp.31-66
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    • 2018
  • The purpose of this study is to analyze the institutional factors and the political environment in which the influence of the president is limited in South Korea's decision making process of the policy toward North Korea. Although the president has the highest decision-making power over policy toward North Korea as a head of state, the president's influence is not always absolute. Many reasons, such as bureaucratic government through the separation of power, the political environment such as divided government or the remaining term of the president,and the specificity of policy act as factors limiting the president's influence on policy toward North Korea. This study analyzed the dynamics of the decision making process of the 'Special Zone for Peace and Cooperation in the West Sea' which was planned by the agreement between the two Koreas in 2007, and examined the influence of the president, limited by the institutional environment and political conditions in the process.

A Study on the Meta Analysis of Korean Digital Politics (디지털정치 실증연구에 관한 메타분석)

  • Park, Young-Min
    • Journal of Digital Convergence
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    • v.9 no.1
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    • pp.201-212
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    • 2011
  • This study is to carry out meta-analysis on doctoral dissertations which had been written after 2004 when the empirical analysis about digital politics had begun. This study aims to identify tendency of recent analysis. For this purpose, it classifies the research trends of digital politics as political participation, political process, political advertising and election campaigns, and examines the researcher's definition, framework of empirical analysis, and all the results. Moreover, the study systematically summarizes the research model, analysis unit, concept and its components in order to ensure availablity so that the information could be available for the further research.

Election Prediction on Basis of Sentimental Analysis in 3rd World Countries

  • Bilal, Hafiz Syed Muhammad;Razzaq, Muhammad Asif;Lee, Sungyoung
    • Proceedings of the Korea Information Processing Society Conference
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    • 2014.11a
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    • pp.928-931
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    • 2014
  • The detection of human behavior from social media revolutionized health, business, criminal and political prediction. Significance of it, in incentive transformation of public opinion had already proven for developed countries in improving democratic process of elections. In $3^{rd}$ World countries, voters poll votes for personal interests being unaware of party manifesto or national interest. These issues can be addressed by social media, resulting as ongoing process of improvement for presently adopted electoral procedures. On the optimistic side, people of such countries applied social media to garner support and campaign for political parties in General Elections. Political leaders, parties, and people empowered themselves with social media, in disseminating party's agenda and advocacy of party's ideology on social media without much campaigning cost. To study effectiveness of social media inferred from individual's political behavior, large scale analysis, sentiment detection & tweet classification was done in order to classify, predict and forecast election results. The experimental results depicts that social media content can be used as an effective indicator for capturing political behaviors of different parties positive, negative and neutral behavior of the party followers as well as party campaign impact can be predicted from the analysis.

Railway Governance and Power Structure in China

  • Lee, Jinjing
    • International Journal of Railway
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    • v.1 no.4
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    • pp.129-133
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    • 2008
  • Over the last $15{\sim}20$years, many countries have adopted policies of railway privatization to keep up with increasing competition from road and air transport. Although each country and case has its own history, market characteristics, political context as well as administrative process, railway privatizations (including railway restructure, concession etc.) in the west usually are accompanied with the establishment of new regulatory regimes. Therefore, railway governance has been innovating towards an interaction of government, regulator, industry bodies, user groups, trade unions and other interested groups within the regulatory framework. However, it is not the case in China. Although China had seen a partial privatization in some branch lines and is experiencing a much larger-scale privatization by establishing joint-ventures to build and operate high-speed passenger lines and implementing an asset-based securitization program, administrative control still occupies absolutely dominant position in the railway governance in China. Ministry of Railway (MOR) acts as the administrator, operator as well as regulator. There is no national policy that clearly positions railway in the transportation network and clarifies the role of government in railway development. There is also little participation from interested groups in the railway policy making, pricing, service standard or safety matter. Railway in China is solely governed by the mere executive agency. Efficiency-focused economic perspective explanation is far from satisfaction. A wider research perspective from political and social regime is of great potential to better explain and solve the problem. In the west, separation and constrains of power had long been established as a fundamental rule. In addition to internal separation of political power(legislation, execution and jurisdiction), rise of corporation in the 19th century and association revolution in the 20th century greatly fostered the growth of economic and social power. Therefore, political, social and economic organizations cooperate and compete with each other, which leads to a balanced and resonable power structure. While in China, political power, mainly party-controlled administrative power has been keeping a dominated position since the time of plan economy. Although the economic reform promoted the growth of economic power of enterprises, it is still not strong enough to compete with political power. Furthermore, under rigid political control, social organizations usually are affiliated to government, independent social power is still too weak to function. So, duo to the limited and slow reform in political and social regime in China, there is an unbalanced power structure within which political power is dominant, economic power expanding while social power still absent. Totally different power structure in China determines the fundamental institutional environment of her railway privatization and governance. It is expected that the exploration of who act behind railway governance and their acting strength (a power theory) will present us a better picture of railway governance as a relevant transportation mode. The paper first examines the railway governance in China and preliminarily establishes a linkage between railway governance and its fundamental institutional environment, i.e. power structure in a specific country. Secondly, the reason why there is no national policy in China is explored in the view of political power. In China, legislative power is more symbolic while party-controlled administrative power dominates political process and plays a fundamental role in Chinese railway governance. And then, in the part three railway finance reform is analyzed in the view of economic power, esp. the relationship of political power and economic power.

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Political Change and the Development of Parliamentary Politics in Malaysia: Continuity and Change (말레이시아의 정치변동과 의회정치의 발전: 지속과 변화)

  • Hwang, In-Won
    • The Southeast Asian review
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    • v.22 no.2
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    • pp.201-238
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    • 2012
  • This study analyses the nexus between political change and development of parliamentary politics in Malaysia. The continued and stable parliamentary politics did not necessarily associated with political development in Malaysia for the last five decades. Except the 1969 general election, the ruling coalition, Barisan Nasional(BN), has never been failed to obtain the two-third majority of parliamentary seats even though there has been regular general elections in every 4-5 years without any interruption. It is, however, worth noting that there has been dramatic political changes since the late 1990s. In particular, the 2008 general election showed the remarkable results, collapsing the two-third majority of BN's parliamentary seats. The opposition parties even took over the 5 state governments out of 12 in total. The more distinguished feature was the emergence of opposition coalition, called Pakatan Rakyak(PR), right after the 2008 general election. It was the first united coalition in Malaysia's modern political history among the severely divided opposition parties. Since its emergence, the PR has initiated various changes leading towards a more active parliamentary politics. In this regards, this study argues that parliamentary politics is no more regarded as a dependent variable in Malaysia's political process.

A Study on Policy Making Process of the National Basic Livelihood Institution : Focused on Enactment of National Basic Livelihood Act (국민기초생활보장법 제정과정에 관한 연구)

  • Park, Yoon-Young
    • Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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    • v.49
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    • pp.264-295
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    • 2002
  • This study aims to identify the enactment factors of the National Basic Livelihood Institution in context of policy making process by using Kingdon's policy Stream Model. The findings of this study can be summarized as follows. First, an economic crisis has worsened social problems, and the president Kim Dae-jung recognized these problems as serious and worried about social confusion and polarization. Second, NGOs as like People's Solidarity for Participatory Democracy put efforts into enacting the Act. Also, the president Kim's government faced a series of political crisis and needed political solution including foundation of a new party, which considered social welfare most important. Third, the PSPD designed the Act. But the alternatives of related government ministries were not selected. In conclusion, the National Basic Livelihood Institution was enacted by the combination of these three factors stream. Especially the political stream was strongest.

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Winning Coalition, Expansion of Wealth, and Naval Power (승자연합과 부(富)의 확장, 그리고 해군력)

  • Park, Ju-Hyeon
    • Strategy21
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    • s.41
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    • pp.174-207
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    • 2017
  • Human history shows diverse strategies for survival and prosperity. This study introduces the concept of the expansion of wealth as a key to explain choice and behavior of political entities. American scholar, -Bruce Bueno de Mesquita-, offers theoretical grounds for this concept in that the cores of selectorate theory is settled. The political entity consists of two groups, -the winning coalition that has power to replace leader and non-winning coalition that has not. Leaders implement policies serving for the welfare of winning coalition in return for their loyalty. Both internal problems caused by demographic changes and external ones of climate changes, epidemic disease, or invasion compel leader and winning coalition to adopt policies of expansion that they believe may lead to the acquisition of wealth needed to counter those problems. The process starts by occupying one spot where other entities reside and then connecting it to its own. The line between spots functions as a foothold to form a new line to other spots. By repeating this process, a space is created in which new laws and orders are instated. In the early stage of expansion, war is hardly avoidable. Once finished successfully, the political circumstance tilts to encourage economic activities in order to generate national revenues to strengthen political power of winning coalition. However, as scale of economic activities grows, so does political power of civic classes in production and trade. To gain financial support required to run the political entity, delegation of power or bestowing autonomy to non-winning coalition is inevitable. Thus, expansion is not the ultimate solution, only to prolong the political survival if succeed. Maritime power came to attractive option when overland expansion had become obstructed. It offered much greater advantages in terms of political risks and financial burdens in exploring new regions of precious commodities than overland expansion. Each political entity around world have been, for the first time in human history, connected by maritime means since 15th century. It is worthy of noting that land conditions propelled people out to sea. Political and economic situations created opportunities to exploit geographical position in pursuit of wealth. In the 21st century, we witness the operation of international winning coalition that presides over the rules of expansion. Competing for market is synonymous to the expansion in this era, the cause and aim of it has not been changed though. Energy and dollars are key factors of expansion since the end of the 2nd world war. No matter what the forms and conditions change, naval power is still the most relevant means for expansion as it retains unique characters of maneuver, flexibility, continuity, display and projection of power. The strategy for using naval power should be in line with two different approaches for expansion: Approaches to the international winning coalition by making contribution to world order, and approaches to the non-international winning coalition by enhancing military diplomatic activities. The former will serve our share of winning coalition while the latter will open chances to acquire further prosperity.

A Study on the Political Leadership of Xi Jinping: Focusing on Max Weber's Political Domination Type (시진핑의 정치리더십에 관한 연구: 막스 베버의 정치지배유형을 중심으로)

  • Chung, Tae-Il;Sun, Yifei
    • Korea and Global Affairs
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    • v.1 no.2
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    • pp.129-148
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    • 2017
  • The political system of Xi Jinping which was launched in 2013, faced many difficulties both domestically and internationally. Xi Jinping must integrate and stabilize society through political reforms, such as sustained economic growth and Resolved corruption. In addition, he should seek new relations with the United States on the denuclearization of the Korean peninsula. Therefore, this study analyzed political leadership of Chinese political leaders including Xi Jinping using Max Weber 's political domination type. From the first generation political leaders to the fourth generation political leaders in China, the types of political domination of the first and second generation political leaders tend to be charismatic rather than legitimate domination. But the third generation political leaders tend to have a tendency of traditional domination rather than legitimate domination, and the fourth generation political leaders have a tendency to dominate more than traditional domination. On the other hand, the type of political domination of Xi Jinping shows traditional domination and legitimate domination tendency in the process of political growth and emergence, but shows tendency of charismatic domination after domination of political power.

Empirical Analysis of Political Communication Mode at Cyberspace (사이버 공간에서의 정치 커뮤니케이션 양식 분석 연구 : 제16대 공선 후보자 사이버 게시판 분석을 중심으로)

  • Hwang, Geun
    • Korean journal of communication and information
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    • v.16
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    • pp.207-254
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    • 2001
  • This study is focused on forecasting the future of tole-democracy. Many Scholars expect that internet provides technological space needing realizing the tole-democracy or deliberate democracy. Especially in Korea, this expectation is higher than other nations because of political corruption and inefficiency. Therefore internet is intended to considering as new technologies reforming political process. In 16th the general election period, many candidates established home page and used as election campaign tool. And a little of home pages is payed attention to among voters. In spite of using internet as political medium, many political communication researchers have a doubt that internet will realize ideal direct democracy. It's reason is that internet is open and anonymous space. At anonymous space, communication participators is tended to be irresponsible and non-serious. Therefore it is hard that cyber-politics will be ideal type of democracy. In this context, this paper analyzed how pauicipators communicate with others at cyber bulletin board establishing candidate's home pages. Main research questions is how do discussions at cyberspace fulfill the conditions of deliberate democracy. Therefore, concrete questions include; who are participators at candidate's cyber bulletin board; which pattern do they communicate; what is the theme of communication; which effects do the anonymous character of cyberspace influence. To that purpose, this study conducted content analysis on 4,210 written matters at 82 cyber bulletin boards of candidate's home page establishing during 16th the general election period. It can be found that cyberspace in Korea still is not deliberate democracy space and not will be. Firstly, discussion patterns at cyber bulletin board is "candidate with supporters communication space. To be exact, it is said that candidate's home page is "the space of self-convincing among supporters." Secondly, the main themes of discussion are simple emotional expressions; "I support you!" "fighting" "Be vigor" etc. By contrast, real political contents'-central or local political matters - is relatively few. In the mode of expression, real political messages are more positive, logical than simple expressions, candidates private matters. Especially this characteristic will make cyberspace as "mutual slander space" consolidating anonymous characteristic of cyberspace. finally, Cyberspace in Korea still is not real "public sphere" realizing deliberate process. Therefore to be real public sphere, it is needed to participant's ethical maturity and political citizenship. In conclusion, it is difficult that cyberspace will reconstruct the Athene's Agora. On the contrary, Cyberagora will like to be irrespectable area fulfilling the sweeping. Making the deliberate space, technological possibility and ethical condition will have to be balanced together.

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The Impact of International Relations on Technological Learning of Developing Countries (개도국의 기술학습에 대한 국제 관계의 영향)

  • 이태준
    • Proceedings of the Korea Technology Innovation Society Conference
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    • 2002.05b
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    • pp.63-70
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    • 2002
  • This paper is to illuminate the dynamic relationship between the technological learning mechanism and international political intervention. Besides conventional techno-economic factors, international political factors are emphasized as external factors in the technological learning mechanism. Being influenced by international political intervention, the evolutionary path of technological capabilities is not incrementally cumulated and organizational process is not autonomously performed, either. In order to mitigate the impact of the international political intervention, DCs make efforts to develop technological capabilities step-by-step in line with current and future civilian industrial demand.

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