• Journal of East-Asian Urban History
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.121-138
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• 2021

The Dutch arrived in the islands that now compose Indonesia in the 17^th century, settling first in Banten (1600) and Ambon (1605) before establishing Batavia (1619) and taking over Malacca (1641) from the Portuguese. Referring to this network of strategic bases throughout the Nusantara region, this paper uses the element of urban cultural heritage to examine these four major trade hubs experienced very different destinies as a result of Dutch decisions. It also explores how shifts in political power after Indonesia's independence influenced Jakarta's dominance in modern-day Indonesia. The paper suggests that Dutch opportunism and strategic visions underpinned the decision to make Jakarta the center of colonial power in the 17^th century century. It also concludes that Jakarta's continued importance in political control and policies explains why it retained its position after Indonesia's independence, and these have been supported by recent policy measures. Finally, this paper concludes that, despite its Dutch origins, urban cultural heritage has been embraced by Indonesians.

• Iberoamérica
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• v.12 no.2
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• pp.1-25
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• 2010

This paper explains how the political elites limit peruvian politics after independence, through examining the historical origin of elites, the formation of the dominant elites and their politicization in Peru, 1824-1919. In detail, the first section of this paper examines theoretical concepts and the political economic conditions of elites. The next part explores the emergence of the dominant elite group and their politicization, which is focused on economic incentives and conditions in the Guano era. Finally, this paper suggests that peruvian elite group after independence is politically motivated by the direct control of economic resources and maximized privilege in distributions of economic benefits. Furthermore, these features provided the archetype of the Peruvian politics, such as the pre-modern oligarchy and the military intervention.

• Journal of Service Research and Studies
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.1-17
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• 2013

The main purpose of this paper is to examine the aid effectiveness of ODA projects through a case of an e-Government ODA. The case at hand is the Mongolian National Data Center project, which was supported by Korea International Cooperation Agency in 2007~2009. In this paper, we analyze aid effectiveness through a case instead of a long-term macroeconomic analysis. By using OECD DAC guideline for performance evaluation of ODA project combined with PRM (Performance Reference Model) for evaluating e-Government, authors undertakes a post-implementation evaluation on the Mongolian NDC project. The result shows that the NDC project has been relevant and implemented effectively and efficiently given the political instability incurred by the election fraud in 2008. However, there have been problems as well. Provision of defected monitors was a critical problem while disagreement on the safety of the building was lasted for two more years to be settled. Some comments on the training program are also worth to hear to ameliorate similar projects. But more fundamental problems are found in impacts and sustainability areas. Low political status of ICTPA as a coordinating organization for ICT ODA and unstable job security of NDC are serious hurdles to increase effectiveness and efficiency of NDC. ICTPA has played very limited roles in coordinating government-wide ICT ODA projects because it lacks actual power and control over them. Other government organizations do not fully trust NDC as a reliable government data center due to low political status and lack of job security. Thus critical factors to affect the effectiveness and efficiency of e-Government ODA projects are political and organizational instead of economic.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.39 no.6 s.105
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• pp.933-954
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• 2004

This paper considers critically the conceptual development of international environmental security, and to explore some limitations which seem to have made difficult the construction of regional environmental governance among North-East Asian countries. The recently emerging concept of environmental security has turned the traditional or realistic meaning of security to the neo-liberal and the political-economic one. On the basis of a reconsideration of these newly developed meanings of security, this paper has reviewed critically some work which have focused on the concepts of environmental regime and of environmental governance. To formulate a true environmental governance, it is suggested that we need a theoretical analysis on the economic and political contexts and a practical development of civil society. From this point of view, the economic structure of labour division, the political tension and military opposition in the region, and the immaturity and exclusiveness of civil consciousness can be pointed out as some limitations of environmental security to be constructed in the North-East Asian region. A true environmental security in this region requires formation of reciprocal economic relationship, development of regional institutions for political trust among countries, and improvement of interaction between non-governmental organizations (NGOs).

• Journal of Korea Trade
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• v.24 no.8
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• pp.63-80
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• 2020

Purpose - Recent empirical studies have shown that FDI is expected to be strongly associated with democratic governance, political stability, and sound macroeconomic conditions of the host country. We attempt to take it a step further to see if governments implement a major change in institutional characteristics, will the institutional reform toward better governance have a substantive effect in enhancing FDI inflows. This paper thus aims to analyze the importance of good governance as an important factor in the attractiveness of FDI inflows in ASEAN+3 (Korea, China, Japan) countries. Design/methodology - To determine the effects of good governance on FDI inflows across ASEAN+3 countries recorded between 1996-2018, the Worldwide Governance Indicators (WGI) are used to investigate the impact of good governance on FDI inflows. The model has been estimated by using fixed effects to show the robustness of the results. Findings - Our main findings can be summarized as follows: Political Stability, Rule of Law, and Voice and Accountability have a statistically significant impact on the inflow of FDI in the ASEAN+3 Countries, especially for Korean economy. Moreover, GDP growth continue to exert their positive influence. However, Regulatory Quality, Government Effectiveness and Control of Corruption, though equally important, are insignificant to attract FDI inflows. The key finding is that good governance has a significant impact on inward FDI in the ASEAN+3 countries. Originality/value - Existing studies focus on the impact of political factors on FDI across countries. This paper instead attempts to investigate which type of good governance is the most important in promoting FDI inflows across ASEAN+3 countries, which is essential for multinationals to consider when choosing a foreign site as a possible FDI destination.

• The Journal of Korean-Japanese National Studies
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• no.35
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• pp.107-144
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• 2018

This paper summarizes the genealogy of post-war Zainichi magazines in Japan until 1959 and examines their meaning in the context of magazine history in Japan. The purpose of this paper is to prepare the framework to view characteristics of Zainichi magazines in Japan after the war until the present from a continuous and comprehensive perspective. Zainichi, who were left behind in Japan after the war began to project diverse aspects of their lives onto magazines. Despite the poor publishing environment, censorship of GHQ, shortage of writers and financial limitations, the Zainichi society did not give up the public sphere of magazines. The confusion in this time period acted as an element to expose limitations of Zainichi magazines in Japan. Most of magazines published in 1940s and 50s had to focus on political propaganda within the political frame, and many of such magazines were only published for a short term. In other words, it is ambiguous to define the majority of them as 'magazines' and a considerable number of them cannot even confirm the existence, making it difficult to examine the whole picture of magazines from this period. However, recently excavated materials indicate that most of Zainichi magazines in Japan attempted to reflect the reality of the Zainichi society in various ways, though they were confined in the political frame. The process in which language of magazines was changed from Korean language to Japanese and then again to Korean language suggests that Zainichi magazines in Japan tried to consistently express their existence in 'ethnicity,' 'homeland' and beyond, mediated by 'politics' and 'culture.' Moreover, the experience of seeking for the possibility of Zainichi culture in Japan from the flow of cultural movements in Japan during 1950s is an experience of seeking for a popular 'expression' that overcomes the political conflict of homeland. This reveals the diversity the Zainichi society to occur afterwards. A more precise study on individual magazines published during this period would be necessary in the future.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.56 no.1
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• pp.103-133
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• 2010

The purpose of this paper is to make a critique of racial aspects of Caribbean literature more ethical through a constant concern with history and political philosophy. The first step I take for this purpose is a comparative reading of C. L. R. James's view of Toussaint L'Ouverture's position and Frantz Fanon's view of race and class in the historical context of the Caribbean power-relations. In so doing, I examine how Toussaint's and Fanon's wills to negotiation were thwarted in the New World history. To elaborate upon this ethico-political approach, I have recourse to the so-called later Derrida, focusing on his books, such as The Politics of Friendship, Of Hospitality, On Cosmopolitanism and Forgiveness, etc. Taking an up-close look at Derrida's thought, I argue that his political contemplation of ethics is as effective as his deconstruction of "otherness" in dealing with the nature of ethnic clashes in both the real world and minority literature. In the second half of my paper, I reexamine the issues of race, gender, and class in the three novels of Jamaica Kincaid - Annie John, Lucy, and The Autobiography of My Mother. It is conceivable that from the feminist perspective Kincaid's fiction has been read as a postcolonial Bildungsroman. In my supplementary attempts to this criticism, I reveal that the teenage narrator's precocious awareness is still under the colonial influence in the Annie John section. My analysis of Lucy contends that the reasons why the white woman fails to make friends with the young black woman should be sought in the long history of the U.S. racial politics. In the section of The Autobiography of My Mother, I discuss how difficult it is for a minority woman to liberate from the spell of history insofar as she is engaged in the issue of identity. In closing, I pose a need of consolation that literature may grant us by becoming able to produce a different interpretation on all the bleaker reality.

• Journal of Korea Port Economic Association
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• v.25 no.4
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• pp.203-224
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• 2009

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the relationship between the budget allocation of Busan-Gwangyang port and political variables such as general election, presidential election, local election and political regimes. To do this, this study did correlation analyses using budget data of all ports in Korea, Busan, and Gwangyang during 1985-2007. The main results of the correlation analyses are as follow: First, there was a positive correlation between budget of Busan and local election. Also, there was a positive correlation between budget of Gwangyang and presidential election. This results suggest that public choice model and political business cycle model seem to apply to the port development policy. Second, there was no correlation between the regionalism of the political regime and budget of Busan-Gwangyang ports. Third, it can be inferred that the national agenda of the hub strategy can be positively related to the implementation of port development budget. Further studies are needed to analyse the relationship between the political variables and establishment of port plan, decision making about port development and ground-breaking of port construction.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.42
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• pp.259-294
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• 2014

The key concept of political thoughts of Confucianism is 'Tian(天)=the Heaven' and 'Ren(人)=the Human being'. In particular, the meaning of 'the Heaven(天)' is profoundly exclusive in Confucianism in comparison to the other concepts. It is because that 'the Heaven' is connected with 'Ri(理)' which explains the human being and the heaven metaphysically, and the discussions about those concepts have also been widening to the political field. And if the concept of 'the Heaven's nature(天命)' is excluded, it is difficult for us to discuss the essence of political thought of Confucianism. This paper argued how the politicalization of 'the Heaven' which was private dimension of monarch in the strict sense, changed to the public dimension of people in Japan in the early 18th century through some theories of the two famous philosopher, Ito-Jinsai(伊藤仁齋) and Ogyu-Sorai(荻生?徠) who belonged to the 'Kogakuha(古學派)'. The doctrines of Chu-tzu(朱子學) has hold absolute authority over the history of the oriental political thoughts. But the authority have gone through the stage of disorganization in a unique space called Eto(江戶) era of Japan. Therefore, the interpretations and concept establishments in a new dimension are naturally formed in that periods about 'Min(民)=People'. Based on discussions like this, the purpose of this paper is to study how those movements are emerged in what kinds of thinking and debating process. In part of Ito-Jinsai, this paper have reconsidered the concept of 'People' which Jinsai had thought and examined closely with critical mind about 'In(仁)=Mercy'. In case of Ogyu-Sorai, this paper have argued his political theory of 'the welfare of the people in the nation(安民天下)', in clarifying with the concept of 'the Roads of the Saint(先王의 道)' and the meaning about his declaration that "the Six Scripture(六經) is things(物)". The meaning of political view of this two philosopher is in the point to suggest some kinds of cure for problems of those days with the former days values. In the Jinsai's doctrine, that cure is 'the realization of the rule of right(王道)' based on new interpretation of 'Mersy'. And in case of Sorai, that is a form of independence of politics from morality based on 'the Roads of the Saint'.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.70
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• pp.9-34
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• 2015

While dramatic shifts in the media environment underscore the emerging importance of structural approaches in media studies. political economists in Korea have failed to meet such demands. It is particularly noteworthy that their most serious weakness lies in economic theories. This paper aims to examine major problems in political economic approaches in Korea and suggest some research agenda and directions for the future. Above all, political economists need to scrutinize and elaborate both microscopic and macroscopic frameworks. On the microscopic level, they may learn tremendous implications from the "audience-commodity" thesis and recent debates on "information goods" among Korean economists. For the more macroscopic part, it is urgently needed to delve into mid-level issues that may illuminate specific ways the media capital operates: trends in the accumulation of capital, the influence of technological innovation, changes in the labor process, and the relations among production, circulation and consumption sectors.