• 국제초고층학회논문집
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• 제10권1호
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• pp.63-71
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• 2021

Since 2006, the number of completed high-rise buildings over 200 meters have increased rapidly. Although there were some short-term cyclical troughs, the overall trend has still been growing. No longer constrained by technological limits, the development of high-rise buildings now depends on cooperation and compromise between social, economic, and political factors. This article extracts statistical data from the Council on Tall Buildings and Urban Habitat (CTBUH) to focus on the completion of high-rise buildings of 200 meters and above over the past 20 years from 2000 to 2019. Similarities and differences in the number, distribution, and function of high-rise buildings are analyzed, The paper also compares the impact of different political and economic environments on the development trends of high-rise buildings in China, the United States and the UAE.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• 제45권3호
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• pp.1-24
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• 2023

This paper empirically examines the relationship between inter-Korean trade and inter-Korean relations over the past three decades. It asks two questions: (1) Does inter-Korean trade contribute to improved inter-Korean relations and peace on the Korean Peninsula? (2) Does improved inter-Korean relations lead to increased inter-Korean trade? The study employs a time-series causal relationship analysis methodology to answer these questions. The findings show that during the progressive government's reign, inter-Korean trade was not impacted by inter-Korean relations. This is due to the implementation of a political-economic separation policy towards North Korea. Moreover, the increase in general trade and processing on commission did enhance inter-Korean relations, reflecting the "inclusive policy" aimed at achieving peace on the Korean Peninsula through inter-Korean trade. In contrast, during the conservative government's reign, inter-Korean relations had a direct impact on inter-Korean trade, with deteriorating relations leading to a significant decrease in trade. This was due to the implementation of North Korea policies that were linked to politics and the economy.

• 수완나부미
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• 제7권2호
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• pp.105-131
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• 2015

This article is based on a research conducted from 2009 to 2012, on the political disputes in Thailand. During the data collections periods, it was common to hear the frustration, bitterness and anger, expressed by the Redshirts, especially those who lived in the northeast and northern regions. Coming from the said research, this paper will examine the relationship between emotions and rights. According to the sociology of emotions, there are connections between macrolevel social processes and the arousal of emotions. Emotions arising from macrostructural processes may affect individuals at the microlevel, prompting them into actions collectively. In addition, expressions of resentment and articulation for vengeance can be interpreted as the emotions related to the awareness of rights, which may include the rights to one's needs and the access to resources that fulfill such needs. It will demonstrate how emotions, political demonstrations and the increasing awareness of rights, are related.

• 수완나부미
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• 제9권2호
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• pp.7-34
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• 2017

Various models have been presented to describe early Southeast Asian political formations that draw on both indigenous and imported Indic ideas. The most influential of these are the "Mandala" (Wolters 1968, 1982, 1999), "Galactic" (Tambiah 1976), "Negara" (Geertz 1980), and Anderson's 1972 "The idea of power in Javanese culture." This paper represents an initial attempt to compare the salient features of these models with historical and archaeological data from South Sulawesi where, exceptionally and importantly, societies developed independently of Indic ideas. South Sulawesi is unique in being the only region of maritime Southeast Asia where there are sufficient written and oral sources, often substantiated by archaeological data, to document the social evolution of its society from scattered, economically self-sufficient communities with ranked lineages practicing swidden agriculture to large political units (kingdoms) constructed around indigenous cultural and political concepts with economies based on wet-rice agriculture. This wealth of data provides us with a much more detailed picture of the emergence, development and support structures of early kingdoms than found in the models, which makes South Sulawesi of fundamental importance in understanding the social and economic evolution of pre-Indic influenced Austronesian societies in Maritime Southeast Asia.

• 전자공학회논문지
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• 제50권7호
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• pp.244-252
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• 2013

본 논문에서는 이산사건시스템의 관리제어이론을 정치경제학에서 권력의 문제를 해석하는데 응용할 수 있음을 보인다. 이를 위해 권력에 기초한 제어입력의 결정 메커니즘과 이를 통한 관리제어시스템의 동작을 정의한다. 구체적으로, 경쟁하는 집단들(제어기들)의 공통 제어목적을 달성하기 위한 필요 충분 조건으로 권력-제어가능성의 개념을 소개한다. 이 조건이 만족되면 정해진 권력함수를 가진 집단들의 모듈러 제어를 통해 제어된 시스템은 공통의 제어목적을 벗어나지 않는다.

• 유통과학연구
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• 제14권10호
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• pp.39-45
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• 2016

Purpose - This paper explores a new possibility of care ethics for social service. As the needs for care have been growing rapidly in various social fields, 'care' became an important concept in envisioning a welfare state. However, due to the lack of proper ethics and political stance applied to the newly arisen needs and challenges, there exist lots of confusions and difficulties. Research design, data, and methodology - Introducing the feminist ethics of care, this paper examines the relationship of care and justice in social service. As a main research perspective, this study has focused on Kittay's public ethics of care and Tronto's political ethics of care. Results - Drawing on the main research perspective, this study discusses on the necessity of a political conceptualization for an integrative care ethics. In the process, The specialty and professionality of care work as a relational labor was reconsidered. Kittay's care ethics provides a persuasive justification for social support for care workers as well as care receivers, and Tronto's ethics shows us the role of care politics for democratic citizenship. Conclusions - Tronto's ethics of care with Kittay's gives us valuable insights to envision a new public ethics for social service that takes into account both care and justice properly.

• 영어영문학
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• 제58권6호
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• pp.1103-1117
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• 2012

This paper focuses on eighteenth-century English pastor, poet, and hymnist, Isaac Watts (1674-1748), a significant yet neglected nonconformist dissenter, who defines a public religion and transforms poetry as a new literary political genre. During England's post-Revolutionary religio-political turmoil, Watts's poem, "The Hurry of the Spirits, in a Fever and Nervous Disorders" (1734), deliberately engages in a methodical refusal to settle upon a single system of images or terms for describing or referring to the speaker's identity or situation. Watts's, literal and metaphoric, refusal to identify with one religio-political approach to nonconformist dissent has been the very point of criticism that not only undermines the poet's monumental work on hymns but also the lasting impact that the poet had upon England's national consciousness. This study, therefore, questions why the poet refuses to choose one ideal path in his pursuit for religious freedom and, further, analyzes how the hymn writer defends his demotic aesthetics. This paper investigates Watts's comprehensive and detailed formulation of what a secularized "social religion" should entail and, further, explores its beneficial role in the pursuit for society's peace. In contrast to Milton's apocalyptic vengeance, Watts's nonconformist goal seeks to balance and locate authority in the individual with the ancient ideal of a "sacred order" that is represented in "The Hurry of the Spirits" through the means of poetic imagination.

• 산업과 과학
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• 제3권2호
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• pp.1-7
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• 2024

본 논문은 감성분석을 통한 소프트 파워의 수치화를 주제로 다루고 있다. 감성분석은 텍스트, 음성, 이미지 등 다양한 데이터에서 감정이나 감성을 탐지하고 분석하는 과정을 의미한다. 따라서, 본 논문에서는 감성분석을 통해 소프트 파워를 어떻게 수치화할 수 있는지에 대한 방법론과 그 의의를 탐구하였다. 소프트 파워는 국가나 단체가 다른 국가나 단체의 행동을 원하는 방향으로 영향을 주는 능력을 의미한다. 이는 군사적 또는 경제적 수단보다는 문화, 가치관, 정치체제 등의 부드러운 요소에 의해 구축되며, 감성분석은 이러한 부드러운 영역을 측정하고 이해하는 데 유용한 도구로 활용되고 있다.

• East Asian Economic Review
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• 제20권3호
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• pp.311-338
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• 2016

In the race for establishing trading architecture consistent with new landscape of the global economy, the US is ahead of the game by concluding the Trans Pacific Partnership Agreement with 11 countries. To make it reality, the ratification is essential. In the battle for ratification in the US, declining globalism confronts rising protectionism. This paper models the ratification process as contest between globalism and protectionism, and analyzes the optimal timing for ratification. Based on this framework, various ratification scenarios are analyzed. The paper argues less likelihood for the lame-duck session passage and more likelihood for prolonged and protracted delay, due to changing political dynamics and declining intellectual support for globalism. Hence, the future of Trans Pacific Partnership Agreement may prove different, compared to the North American Free Trade Agreement and the Korea-US Free Trade Agreement, both of which were renegotiated and ratified eventually. Then, the US would lose the first move advantage. The paper also discusses strategic implications of delayed ratification on the evolution of trading architecture in East Asia.

• 영어영문학
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• 제64권4호
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• pp.531-550
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• 2018

This paper contemplates egalitarian ethics and ecumenical consumerism suggesting expansive possibilities of Northern Ireland's sectarian limits towards unlimited spatialities in Robert McLiam Wilson's Belfast novel, Eureka Street. This paper argues that Northern Ireland's (Belfast's) (post)modernity and a social ethics promoting outwardly mediated relationships are a vision for nonidentity Eureka Street espouses against the identity politics of Protestant-Catholic schism. Eureka Street remarkably challenges Northern Irish sectarian politics propelling inwardly unmediated relationships by ethical possibilities of infinitively mediated relationships. In the argument for a postmodern view of the novel, commodity fetishism and consumerism are considered as key to a prospect of emancipation of Northern Ireland from the political fetters of total identity the partisan communities impose on themselves. This paper also demonstrates that a post-national cosmopolitanism Eureka Street envisages embraces a new social solidarity predicated upon socio-political pluralisms against Northern Irish sectarian identities.