• The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
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• v.9 no.7
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• pp.109-121
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• 2022

The study aims to examine the interaction of formal and informal institutions for strengthening economic development, particularly entrepreneurship growth. The research will also assess the impact of control variables on political index within the formal and informal markets. The research is quantitative, which analyses panel data of 6 years in 22 countries comprising middle and high-income countries with diversified and unique political, economic, and social systems. The findings suggested that reducing the entry regulation and promoting the social capital within the formal and informal institutions would grow formal and informal entrepreneurship and be a greater source for new venture creation. Moreover, the political index, a control variable, was found significant in the relationship of institutional mix with formal and informal entrepreneurship. Entry regulations in formal and informal institutions are a complex phenomenon in the entrepreneurship literature, moderated by the political development index as tested by the current study. The time horizon for this paper is much longer since it analyzes 6 years (2014-2019) of data on 22 developing and developed countries to see the entrepreneurial growth across multiple regions on different income levels, geographic conditions, and contrasting political and social systems.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.61 no.4
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• pp.35-59
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• 2009

This paper presents a formal model of social policy development. The model shows that the development of social policy depends both on the social policy preferences of voters and on the political institution which mediates the preferences of voters. In the direct democracy, median voter's social policy preference is critical because he is Condorcet winner in a pairwise vote. But in the representative democracy, political parties design social policy to win the support of a majority of voters. Hence, the political institution like electoral rule may affect social policy outcome. The model presented in this paper contrasts 3 alternative constitutional features and investigates how they affect social policy outcome. In result, this papers emphasizes that policy preferences of voters and political institution may be key variables to explain social policy development and divergence among welfare regimes.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.125-136
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• 2011

This article is exploring the possibility of establishment of a 'Smart Citizens Party'. In the society based the social computing, the individual leads the technical progress and the society which is adapted for this circumstance is changing in the direction of user-centric. Also, in the political process, we can see this social phenomenon. In other words, there's a quite possibility that decision-making structure may shift from the top-down approach to the bottom-up approach by the networked individuals or flexible voluntary group. In this context, this paper will propose the 'Smart Citizens Party' model that accept the change of political and social environment due to the advent of the social computing and cope with this change. The 'Smart Citizens Party' means the 'Party for Smartizen' of this social computing era. The 'Smart Citizens Party' is the intermediate party that link the political party to the civil society and is smart citizen's party that is operated democratically by active participation of citizens. This paper will review on structure and operational issues of political parties in Korea and study future-oriented solution and/or way to discovered problems of political parties in Korea.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.41-62
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• 2017

The political reformation in Indonesia is a determinant factor of the change in political communications and the roles of media. Currently, the political elites need media support, since it contextually has a significant role. Whoever has a good relationship with the media, will be loved by the public. On the other hand, the media also have a vested interest in the elite in running businesses and building the power of industry. Policies and capital pose a challenge to maintaining the continuity of the media. Independence and control of media are at stake, when the interests of the media and the elite collaborate with each other and then build a benefit on both sides. Meanwhile, the role of social media also cannot be neglected. The Indonesian political communication system is characterized by the presence of social media in a pseudo-relationship between the elite and the public. This paper tries to explain the growing trends of research in the academic environment and the research trends in political practice in Indonesia after the occurrence of post-reformation era in legislative and executive elections. The method used is the meta-analysis of research outcomes of university (dissertations) and secondary data sources. Data processing is done by meta-analysis of secondary data. The results of meta-analysis research indicate that, the objective conditions, in Indonesia, especially the political conditions, stimulate new spaces in communication research. The study of political communication becomes dominant in the academic environment. In addition, communication research is also characterized by a shift from the linear perspective (positivistic paradigm) to the interactive perspective (naturalistic paradigm). On the other hand, the development of politic and governance situations in Indonesia has prompted the establishment of polling agencies that help citizens understand the maps of political power and candidates in general elections and regional head elections.

• Korean Business Review
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• v.20 no.1
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• pp.105-122
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• 2007

This paper identifies the dimensions of political risk on the basis of the classification between risk and uncertainties to implement the precise identification and assessment of the various types of political risk and develop the sound assessment model to accomplish their practical applications. This paper shows the concrete and detailed processes of deriving the assessment models and applying them with the microsoft excel spreadsheet, confirms the result of Butler and Joaquin(1998), and presents the methods of identifying the various combination effects of the political risk impact and the covariance relationship with the market portfolio return through the sensitivity analysis.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.27-45
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• 2012

Among political scientists, Japan's free trade agreements (FTA) with member nations of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has been considered to be a political tool that can compete against China for regional leadership in East Asia. However, this paper demonstrates that Japan's so-called FTA diplomacy towards ASEAN nations serves the broad interests of Japanese actors in both the political and economic sectors. Given the attention to Japanese domestic political issues, it is argued that diplomacy primarily facilitates a need for free trade with ASEAN and ASEAN markets for Japanese corporations to compete in the global economy and for the government to nurture Japan's stagnant economy by assisting these corporations. This work also contends that the unclear function of FTA as an economic good is due to the lack of the government capacity to effectively manage FTA diplomacy. This partly results from the conventional view with regard to Sino-Japanese rivalry.

• Proceedings of the Korea Technology Innovation Society Conference
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• 2002.05b
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• pp.63-70
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• 2002

This paper is to illuminate the dynamic relationship between the technological learning mechanism and international political intervention. Besides conventional techno-economic factors, international political factors are emphasized as external factors in the technological learning mechanism. Being influenced by international political intervention, the evolutionary path of technological capabilities is not incrementally cumulated and organizational process is not autonomously performed, either. In order to mitigate the impact of the international political intervention, DCs make efforts to develop technological capabilities step-by-step in line with current and future civilian industrial demand.

• 중국학논총
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• no.65
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• pp.215-234
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• 2020

This paper aims to analyze the recent consolidation of Xi Jinping's power in the context of political reform of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), and reason out its implications. After Reform and Opening Up, the CCP needed to adapt to the changing society, secure its legitimacy and reinforce its ruling power. Therefore, the CCP has practiced political reform focused on intra-democracy since 16th Party Congress in 2002. Intra-democracy in the CCP's collective leadership consists of two parts: a stable power succession, based on term limits and age limits, and a democratic management system, based on checks and compromises between political factions. Those mechanisms of intra-democracy are still functioning in the Xi Jinping era, which explains that the consolidation of Xi's power is the result of the agreement in the CCP. In other words, it is a short-term change to efficiently deal with challenges the CCP is facing.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.44 no.1
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• pp.1-47
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• 2022

This paper introduces a politico-economic model with a welfare state and immigration. In this model, policies on taxes and immigration are determined through a plurality voting system. While many studies of fiscal implications of immigration argue that relaxing immigration policies can substitute for tax reforms in an aging economy, I show that the democratic voting procedure can dampen the effect of relaxing immigration policies as desired policy reforms are not always implemented by the winner of an election. This political economy results in three types of social welfare losses. First, the skill composition is not balanced at a socially efficient level because workers are motivated to maximize their wages. Second, older retirees implement excessive taxes to maximize the size of the welfare state. Third, the volume of immigration is lower than the optimal level given the incentive by young workers to regain political power in the future.

• 중국학논총
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• no.61
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• pp.323-340
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• 2019

As the continent's Neo-Confucianism has emerged as an issue recently, Kang You-wei has become a hot topic in Chinese thought circles. His view that the goal of Confucianism is ultimately to reformbased on the "ChunQiu Gongyang" has been drawing new attention in the 2000s with the emergence of Political Confucianism. This paper reviews Kang You-wei's study of Chun Qiu Gongyang, which could be called the ideological origin of continental Confucianism, and also analyze the development process and problems of political Confucianism. In order to understand the current discussion of Confucian constitutionalism, an understanding of Kang You-wei should be preceded. Because most of the problems raised in continental political Confucianism, began with the idea of Kang, and they insist on returning to Kang You-wei as well.