• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.7
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• pp.7-36
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• 2009

This paper intends to examine the significance of the "Minjoong Misool(People's art)" of the 1980s emerged in Korea in its social, cultural, and art historical context. This paper also aims to provide an analysis of the meaning and form of the individual artist's works, which have been overlooked under the dominant discourse that has emphasized their political role as a collective group. In particular, this paper scrutinizes the work of "Critical Realists" by examining the way in which they perceived Korean society in the early 1980s and visualized their experiences of the period. The figurative art newly emerged in the early 1980s challenged the formalist Modernism, which was adopted into Korea and translated into monochrome paintings and the work of the conversative academicism of the 1970s. The figurative art encouraged a social communication and moreover it intended to criticize the conflicts in the political, economical, and social domains in Korea. The targets of its critique include the unavoidable results of the unprecedented development of economy, various social phenomena of the post-industrial society, and the growth of the commercialized kitsch culture. Along with Shin, Hak-chul's work that incorporates collage technique since the 1980s, the work of some members of "Reality and Utterance" and "Im- sul-nyun" exemplify their critical interests in disclosing the false dream of wealth and happiness by both referring to and drawing on the utopian fantasy manipulated and distributed by mass media and commercial advertisements. This paper pays particular attention to Nouvelle Figuration emerged in France and Europe during the 1960s, which is comparable to the new figurative art emerged in Korea during the 1980s. Nouvelle Figuration criticized the autonomy in art isolated itself from political and social reality after WWII, in particular the indifference of Informel and abstract art as well as American abstract art. Moreover it became rather politicized around May of 1968. Given that French Nouvelle Figuration was introduced in Korea in 1982 and made a significant contribution to the formation of figurative art in Korea, it should be noted that the new figurative art emerged in the 1980s in Korea cannot be categorized merely in relation to People's Art. This paper intends to critically redress the notion that People's art was formed in the particular political, economical, and cultural context of Korea independent of the contemporary artistic practices outside Korea. It will provide a critical examination and analysis of the content and form of the new figurative art, from which People's Art was germinated, in the global context.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.48
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• pp.109-134
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• 2009

This study explores the political parody, which has become an active art form in order to express Korean Internet users' political practices, especially, during the politically turbulent periods from the presidential election of 2003 to the recent candlelight vigil protest of 2008. This study investigates the rise and fall of a parody culture by online users from the mid-2000s, and also examines aesthetical aspects of parodic artworks relying on amateurism culminated in 2004. Specifically, the current study questions an aesthetical lack shown in 'appropriation', by which most of the online users simply produce imitations of original image. This study rather notes 'photomontage' as an aesthetic prototype, the political aesthetics made by John Heartfield, through which this study intends to observe how his aesthetical legacy of political art could be realized in the contemporary form of political parodies produced by online users. The present paper concludes that online users' political participations in producing critical works of art could allow us to negate the dichotomy between the elite and the mass, professional artists and amateur parodists, and a radical politics and the politics of style.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.47 no.1
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• pp.291-315
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• 2016

This paper analyzed experientially political conducts of the political players on privitization of healthcare service and public healthcare sercive aftrer the democratization in order to determine the influence of democracy on the development of a welfare state. For this purpose, the contents of the major daily newspaper reports from 1993 to 2012 were analyzed. As a result of such analysis, it was found that the political parties did not drive the policy even after the democratization reflecting the demands of the people, political parties had a strong conservative stance and did not show a consistent ideological inclination in their policies. Second, even though the role of the civic movement in the public healthcare service issue became larger after the democratization, policy decisions were driven by the government in an authoritative manner. In addition, the degree of contribution by the civic movements to the development of public healthcare service did not offset the influence of the president and the finance ministry on the development of privatization. Third, both the development of public healthcare service and privatization progressed simultaneously under the Kim Dae Jung, Rho Mu Hyun and Lee Myung Bak administrations after the democratization and it is thus difficult to argue that the qualitative nature as a welfare state was changed after the democratization. However, the degree of development as a welfare state differed depending on the ideological inclination of the presidents, the capacity of the welfare ministry and the ministry that drove the privatization.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.17 no.1
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• pp.130-151
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• 2018

China's cultural diplomacy is mostly understood as an endeavour to build and project soft power, which draws on three sources of 'culture, political values and foreign policy' according to Nye. This paper focuses on the debates about the vehicle and agents of China's cultural diplomacy. It starts with a theoretical discussion of the competing views in the Chinese context, and develops an argument that the vehicle of China's cultural diplomacy tries to project soft power on two wheels of culture and political values, to serve the purpose of reshaping China's image away from being the 'cultural other' and 'ideological other' respectively. However, the state-led approach to driving this vehicle is generating some side effects with its sponsorship, censorship and presence in the driver's seat. Then the paper analyses the inherent tensions existing in practice both between the two sources of building soft power and between the two means of doing so, attraction and persuasion, with empirical evidence through a comparative case study of the Confucius Institutes in the US and South Korea. The finding shows that China's attempt at reshaping its image as an Eastern cultural contestant is often disrupted by its authoritarian political values, and the state-led persuasion is often reducing China's cultural attraction. Following this, the paper finishes with some recommendations regarding evolving the cultural diplomacy approach from a vertical one that is government-centred to a horizontal one that is network-based with multiple agents, and localising its practice by engaging the target audiences as stakeholders.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.17 no.4
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• pp.601-623
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• 2014

This paper is to analyze critically policy and discourse of creative economy and creative city. Applying the concept of 'policy transfer' or 'policy mobility', It points out that it may be inevitable for a certain policy or discourse developed in Western society to change its contents and characteristics in its international diffusing process. And then, this paper describes political contexts and process in which the policy and discourse of creative city of a former mayor of Seoul, Oh, Se-Hoon, during the late part of the 2000s, and those of creative economy of the current president, Park, Geun-Hye, have been suggested and pursued, arguing that those policies and discourses, having been distorted and lack of concrete contents, have functioned as a key ruling tool or political rhetoric. In particular, this paper concludes that the policy and discourse of creative economy of the current government would have little positive effect due to excluding intentionally policy of economic democracy and ignoring unintentionally policy of creative city, which seem to have an inherent relationship with that of creative economy.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• v.7 no.4
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• pp.194-207
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• 2019

This paper is the author's personal experience and interpretation as a student whilst participating in Professor Kyung-Sook Shin's English Literature graduate course, "Literature and Technology II: Feminisms and Digital Humanities," during the 2019 spring semester at Yonsei University, South Korea. Exploring the intersections of literary feminist theory and digital humanities, this paper examines not only the content, but also the methodology and political effects of collaboratively digitally annotating Elizabeth Barrett Browning's epic novel/poem, Aurora Leigh (1856) through the medium, Google Docs. In particular, this paper observes the students' interaction with the digital tools and literature-related pedagogy in two main parts. First, the democratic political nature of classroom culture when creating a new language/code during annotation. Second, the coexistence of cyberspace and the physical classroom space and its effect on time, specifically in the archival of the past, influencing of the future, and the splitting into the present multiverse. From a student's perspective in digital literary annotation, this paper shows that technology could become a way to decolonize and reprogram education to be more inclusive and collaborative.

• The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.151-158
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• 2022

The study aims to investigate Lebanese-Chinese relations within the framework of the Belt and Road Initiative. Lebanon formally joined the effort in 2017; this paper emphasizes Lebanon's geostrategic importance. The paper presents an assessment of the investment risks in Lebanon, which is considered an economically unstable country with a volatile security situation, with many internal and external political hurdles. The paper refers to the obstacles and challenges that the Chinese investor may face in Lebanese society. The study employs qualitative descriptive analysis to address the status of Chinese investment in Lebanon and the consequences of this partnership; the paper examines previous research related to the Belt and Road Initiative and the Lebanese political, security, and economic situation literature. Due to the deteriorating security situation, external intervention, and the economic crisis, the results reveal that Lebanon is not a top investment priority for China, which is a big impediment to China entering into economic cooperation with Lebanon. The findings of this study suggest that the Lebanese government should adopt an anti-corruption policy to build confidence for the Chinese investor, reduce unnecessary public spending, and hold a national dialogue to build confidence among the Lebanese parties.

• Journal of Families and Better Life
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.41-52
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• 1997

This paper explored the public issue on housework analyzed the policy and the law associated housework and developed the theorical model for its political program. This idea is dependent that the policy has priority over change of the social ideology. That policy contains a campaign and a education to be aimed to share of housework in order to make responsibility of men as well as women on family and work. Also it contains economic value estimates to quantify and value the non-wage work(childcaring homemaking etc.) in order to confirm its productive activity. It would assume the lawful form as like a social security or a pension. For example the Family Rights Law Tax Law and Social Security Act have to be reflected on the value of housework and to be secured the social status of provider. After all this work was useful to improve a wage and a social status of all women. As consistent policy and operation associated housework are poor in Korea it is difficult to develop theoric l model on this theme. On the range a political proposal on housework would be bound by family policy(evaluation of housework) and women's labor policy(housework support). So the policy intend to secure a family life to improve welfare of women and to equilibrate the family and the work.

• Journal of Korean Society of Rural Planning
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• v.12 no.3 s.32
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• pp.57-65
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• 2006

Stonewall in Jeju has been regarded as the one of the most esthetic landscape in rural regions. In addition, they have been played as a useful facility to protect houses or crops from strong winds, but also to indicate the boundary of ownership. In the recent research, stonewall has been appointed as the one of important components in rural landscape. Thus, stonewall in Jeju retains intrinsic and real value by many usages in rural regions. However, in spite of it's value, stonewall has been abandoned without any concerns and political measures. Now stonewall is urgently needed to be dealt by a certain political measure for protection. Therefore, the depth of concerns and systematic management measures for protection should be discussed and made, otherwise the destruction of these natural valuable structures will be continued. In this sense, the purpose of this paper, first of all, is to examine the status of stonewall in jeju. And then, with the result of this examination, political measures and suggestions to protect stonewall are proposed. Several areas such as Sungsan, Sinchon, and so on in Jeju are selected as the sample areas for this study, and examination are carried with a wide range of literature reviews and the GIS technology for data collection and analyses.

• Journal of the Korea Society of Computer and Information
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• v.10 no.5 s.37
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• pp.281-290
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• 2005

FTA is the key post in international trade policy together with WTO. This paper studies the appraisal of bilateral Free Trade Association among Korea and Chile which has been started from April of last year. After FTA our actual results of export to Chile has been increased as forecasted but import from Chile hasn't increased as anxiety. Also Korea $\cdot$ Chile FTA gives us a political suggestion for propulsion of FTA with another countries hereafter.