• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.1-22
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• 2019

In the age of continuous media change and the coexistence of multiple forms of media, the relationship between the public's media use and political participation is an urgent area of study. This paper makes use of large national sample surveys from 2002, 2011, and 2015, summarizes the change of the public's media use by descriptive statistics analysis, and finds that while the Internet has become an important communication channel, the use of Internet for political information and political participation is still overestimated. Compared to the weak impact of different media channels for political information on political participation, the frequency of media exposure and Internet use play a significant role in political participation. Because of the negative effect of the frequency of Internet use on political participation, the democratization function of the Internet needs to be treated with caution. This paper describes media use and its roles in contemporary China, analyzes the impact of media use on political participation, and extends the cross-cultural application of the theory of political communication.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.2-12
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• 2017

Research on democratic transitions has relatively ignored the question of why some countries experience a regressive form of political pacts, while others do not. This paper develops a simple game-theoretic model to explain the phenomenon of collusive pacts in the process of democratization. Trasformismo is a term that refers to a system of political exchange based on informal clientelistic politics. The existing studies of the politics of trasformismo have emphasized the timing of industrialization and the tradition of strong state as conditions of the politics of trasformismo. However, not every late industrializers and not every strong states experienced some variants of collusive political pacts in their trajectories of democratization. In this paper, I contend that the politics of trasformismo is rather a generalizable pattern of political elites' behavior under particular circumstances. By developing a simple game theoretic model, this paper suggests the conditions under which political actors are likely to collude to a regressive form of political pacts. The model shows that the likelihood of collusion to a regressive form of political pacts is a function of a set of parameters. First, a higher level of incumbency advantage in electoral competition is likely to be associated with a higher probability of collusive political pacts. Second, a higher degree of the monopoly of political representation of political parties without a close link with a variety of societal forces is likely to induce collusive behavior among politicians. Third, the ruling party leader's expectations about the likelihood of a safe extrication are related to collusive political pacts. This paper then engages in a case study of the 1990 three-party merger in South Korea. The 1990 Korean case is interesting in that the ruling party created a new party after having merged with two opposition parties. This case can be considered a result of political maneuver in a context of democratization. The case study suggests the empirical relevance of the game-theoretic model. As the game of trasformismo and the case study of the 1990 three-party merger in South Korea have shown, the collusive political pact was neither determined by a certain stage of economic development nor by a particular cultural systems. Rather, it was a product of the art of trasformismo based on party leaders' rational calculations of the expected likelihood of taking governing power.

• Journal of Technology Innovation
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• v.10 no.2
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• pp.131-148
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• 2002

This paper explores how international political factors influence the role of conventional external factors in the course of technological learning. The research goes on to investigate whether the role of the techno-economic factors has changed due to the involvement of international political factors in the technological learning mechanism. To this end, this paper examines how US political intervention affected Korean technological learning in the back-end of the nuclear fuel cycle. The export policy, prior consent policy and international political influence of the US are employed as international political factors. The empirical findings show that international political factors are very likely to restrain the impact of the techno-economic factors on technological learning process. Accordingly, this paper hypothesizes that the role of techno-economic factors in the technological learning mechanism is weaker when international political intervention is involved.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• v.11 no.3
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• pp.51-58
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• 2023

Through this incident, it reminds me of the idea that personnel appointments are everything once again. Public officials should try to be good at ethics and conduct. If a public official fails to fulfill his or her role as a public official, how can the public trust him or her? You should know that the country does not exist under that official. Looking back on the constitutional history after liberation, it is undeniable that the collusion between politicians and businessmen shocked the people with many suspicions and distrust, and the various irregularities they caused disrupted healthy democracy and the national economic order. In this respect, this paper focuses on Korean political reform measures, but also examines ways to improve public officials' ethics. This paper focuses on that political reform should move in the direction of revitalizing the function of the National Assembly and allowing autonomous and independent parliamentary activities. Parliamentary activities should not be too dampened, and it should not end in a brief promotion in consideration of election votes. The ruling and opposition parties should seriously consider and implement this political reform plan. As one of the people, I hope that this privilege reform plan can be a touchstone for the advancement of political culture. This paper was studied as follows. First, the purpose and justification of political reform were identified. Second, it emphasized the need to improve public service ethics. Third, the problems and improvement measures of political reform were considered.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.8 no.3
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• pp.180-196
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• 2020

This paper considers Japanese political interviews to integrate conversation and facial expression analysis. The behaviors of political leaders will be disclosed by analyzing questions and responses by using the turn-taking system in conversation analysis. Additionally, audiences who cannot understand verbal expressions alone will understand the psychology of political leaders by analyzing their facial expressions. Integral analyses promote understanding of the types of facial and verbal expressions of politicians and their effect on public opinion. Politicians have unique techniques to convince people. If people do not know these techniques and ways of various expressions, they will become confused, and politics may fall into populism as a result. To avoid this, a complete understanding of verbal and non-verbal behaviors is needed. This paper presents two analyses. The first analysis is a qualitative analysis that deals with Prime Minister Shinzō Abe and shows that differences between words and happy facial expressions occur. That result indicates that Abe expresses disgusted facial expressions when faced with the same question from an interviewer. The second is a quantitative multiple regression analysis where the dependent variables are six facial expressions: happy, sad, angry, surprised, scared, and disgusted. The independent variable is when politicians have a threat to face. Political interviews that directly inform audiences are used as a tool by politicians. Those interviews play an important role in modelling public opinion. The audience watches political interviews, and these mold support to the party. Watching political interviews contributes to the decision to support the political party when they vote in a coming election.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.20 no.4
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• pp.147-161
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• 2016

Based on the samples of the Chinese listed companies, this paper studies the influence of political connection on enterprises M&A. We show that the political networks of the listed corporations in China considerably affect their M&A activities. More and greater M&A appear on the companies with political connection. The government mostly influences the political connections on the enterprises M&A. Moreover, we try to find out how much political connection affect the results of the enterprises M&A. Our study can contribute to a new aspect of the political connection in literature, as well as its fiscal consequences in China.

• Journal of Korean Society for Quality Management
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• v.49 no.1
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• pp.17-29
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• 2021

Purpose: During 2015-2019, the average amount of political donation to the national assembly members in Korea was 1,000 won per person. Despite its benefits such as receiving tax credits, the donation system has not been actively practiced. This paper aims to promote political donations by suggesting a recommendation system of national assembly members by analysing the bills they proposed. Methods: In this paper, we propose a recommendation system based on two aspects: how similar the newly proposed or ammended bills are to the sponsors' interest (similarity index) and how much effort national assembly members put into those bills (intensity index). More than 25,000 bills were used to measure the recommendation quality index consisted with both the similarity and the intensity indices. Word2vec was used to calculate the similarity index of the bills proposed by the national assembly member to the sponsor's interest. The intensity index is calculated by diving the number of newly proposed or entirely revised bills with the number of senators who took part in those bills. Subsequently, we multiply the similarity index by the intensity index to obtain the recommendation quality index that can assist sponsors to identify potential assembly members for their donation. Results: We apply the proposed recommendation system to personas for illustration. The recommendation system showed an average f1 score about 0.69. The analysis results provide insights in recommendation for donation. Conclusion: n this study, the recommendation system was proposed to promote a political donation for national assembly members by creating the recommendation quality index based on the similarity and the intensity indices. We expect that the system presented in this paper will lower user barriers to political information, thereby boosting political sponsorship and increasing political participation.

• Journal of Korean Theatre Studies Association
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• no.52
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• pp.5-59
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• 2014

This paper investigates the development and aesthetics of Korean political theatre from its quickening period 1920s to democratization era 1990s. Political theatre before 90s developed an antithesis resistant movement toward Korean modern history that had been scattered with suppressing political circumstances such as colonial era and dictatorial government, the movement has powerful activity and social influences. Just like the 20 century political theatre had been quickened under the influence of Marxism at Russia and Germany in 1920s, Korea's political theatre began in socialism theatre movement form around the same time. Proletarian theatre groups had been founded in Japan and Korea, and developed into practical movement with organized connection. However, the political theatre movement in Japanese colonial era was an empty vessel makes great sound but not much accomplishments. Most performance had been canceled or disapproved by suppression or censorship of the Japanese Empire. The political theatre in liberation era was the left drama inherited from Proletarian theatre of the colonial era. Korean Theatre alliance took lead the theatrical world unfold activities based on theatre popularization theory such as 'culture activists' taking a jump up the line and 'independent theatre' peeping into production spot as well as the important event, Independence Movement Day Memorial tournament theatre. Since 1947, US army military government in Korea strongly oppressed the left performances to stop and theatrical movement was ended due to many left theatrical people defection to North Korea. The political theatre in 1960s to 70s the Park regime, developed in dramatically different ways according to orthodox group and group out of power. The political theatre of institutional system handled judgment on sterile people and had indirect political theatre from that took history material and allegory technique because of censorship. In political theatre out of institution, it started outdoor theatre that has modernized traditional performance style and established deep relationship with labor spot and culture movement organizations. Madangguek(Outdoor theatre) is 'Attentive political theatre', satirizing and offending the political and social inconsistencies such as the dictatorial government's oppression and unbalanced distribution, alienation of general people, and foreign powers' pillage sharply as well as laughing at the Establishment with negative characters. The political theatre in 1980s is divided into two categories; political theatre of institutional system and Madangguek. Institutional Political theatre mainly performed in Korea Theatre Festival and the theatre group 'Yeonwoo-Moudae' led political theatre as private theatre company. Madangguek developed into an outdoor theatrical for indoor theatre capturing postcolonial historical view. Yeonwoo-Moudae theatre company produced representative political plays at 80s such as The chronicles of Han's, Birds fly away too, and so on by combining freewheeling play spirit of Madangguek and epic theatre. Political theatre was all the rage since the age of democratization started in 1987 and political materials has been freed from ban. However, political theatre was slowly declined as real socialism was crumbling and postmodernism is becoming the spirit of the times. After 90s, there are no more plays of ideology and propaganda that aim at politicization of theatre. As the age rapidly entered into the age of deideology, political theatre discourse also changed greatly. The concept 'the political' became influential as a new political possibility that stands up to neoliberalism system in the evasion of politics. Rather than reenact political issues, it experiments new political theatre that involves something political by deconstructing and reassigning audience's political sense with provocative forms, staging others and drawing discussion about it.

• Korean System Dynamics Review
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• v.12 no.3
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• pp.47-66
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• 2011

South Korea has achieved remarkable social and economic development together with the process of democratization over the past 20 years. In the democratic process in South Korea, ordinary people have actively participated in conventional political activities such as elections. But recently, one of the salient phenomena is that the public have been showing political apathy associated with a light poll. Especially, the most serious concern in the political environment of South Korea is that young voters (e.g., 20-30s) have serious political apathy leading to low voter turnout. Regarding this concern, many political scientists argued that this political phenomenon is not only the case in South Korea, insisting that many consolidated democratic countries such as European countries and the US have the same problems. However, South Korea has contained different factors (e.g., historical, culture, social, and political differences) leading to political apathy and light poll. Unfortunately, no one has clearly explain the phenomenon. In fact, in order for scholars to understand and explain these concerns, they should carefully look at the phenomenon with diverse perspectives and approaches. The main purpose of this paper is to explain why the digital generation has political apathy and are reluctant to participate in political activities such as voting. Using causal loop analysis which is based on systematic thinking, we not only analyzed the pattern of the digital generation' political participation with regard to diverse perspectives, but also attempted to draw new political implications from the analysis. Based on our analysis, we tried to suggest some implications for political stability and development in South Korea in the future.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.63-82
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• 2016

This paper proposes a paradigm for research on broadcast political interviews. Developed using a series of studies, the paradigm introduces core aspects and questions that should be addressed when examining political interviews in a particular society. This paradigm will enable researchers to collect detailed accounts of the interaction between interviewers and interviewees, the structure and tone of the questions posed to interviewees and the interviewees' communicative style when addressing such questions, and the strategies employed by the participants to pursue their goals. It is hoped that the paradigm will encourage the interest and facilitate the study of televised political interviews particularly from the nationally, culturally, and socially diversified Asian countries. Gathering detailed data from non-Western societies in Asia will also facilitate our understanding of the function and effect of political communication from a cross-cultural perspective.