• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.12 no.10
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• pp.4348-4353
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• 2011

This paper is based on the Cognitive Linguistics point of view on metaphor. Metaphors are not a matter of language use or rhetorics but of a conceptual frame, where thoughts work. The conceptual frames can highlight one aspect affecting our lives while hiding the other aspect of the facts. Politicians use metaphors to persuade people and justify their political decisions. Lakoff argues that the Republicans in the U.S. have their own conceptual framework based on the 'strict father model' of the conservatives, which can be found in important political speeches. Political metaphors supporting this view are found in the 'Attack on Iraq Speech' by G. H. Bush in 1991 and 'Operation Iraqi Freedom Address' by G. W. Bush in 2003.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.15 no.3
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• pp.447-467
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• 2009

Lakoff's (2002) 'nation-as-family' metaphor suggests that conservatism and liberalism in the United States are based respectively on two different sets of morality, i.e., "strict father" morality and "nurturant parents" morality. He argues that values associated with respective metaphors and political principles derived from them tend to determine certain political attitudes and policy endorsement. Using the priming technique, this study attempted to examine whether "strict father" and "nurturant parents" morality are indeed what underlie very different positions conservatives and liberals take towards people in need. The results supported the Lakoff's idea and demonstrated that, compared to priming "nurturant parents" morality, priming "strict father" morality actually led people to derogate character of those in need and to attribute more responsibility onto them for their economic predicament. This research leads us to reconsider what constitutes politically conservative and liberal attitudes and emphasizes the malleability of political attitudes.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.57 no.2
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• pp.237-264
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• 2011

Based on its geophysical feature, the island has long been recognized as a separate and self-sustaining space independent of neighboring continent or other islands. Literary tradition has used the island as a metaphor for a utopian alternative to mundane human society with its various kinds of wrongdoings. Recent nature writings have taken up this island metaphor to emphasize the wholeness of the ecosystem in specifically designated natural community or landscapes such as national parks or wilderness preservation areas. Human-nature relations as border-divided area is also recognized as the island. Modern island biogeography, however, has disproved such a concept of islands as autonomous, revealing the contrasting fact that the richness of species on an undisturbed island is determined largely by species immigration from and emigration to a source of colonists. This scientific finding has posited the island as the interconnected nature, but the public and metaphoric use of it still resorts to the old concept of it as isolated and autonomous nature, because this image has been ingrained deeply in our consciousness and culture. Considering the negative consequences from the recognition of nature and nature-humans as isolated space, we need a new nature metaphor that embodies interconnectedness in nature and of human-nature relations. Such feature of interconnectedness is best embedded in the concept of ecotone. Some ecotones are created and maintained through human participation in nature, and this human induced nature of ecotone denotes the possibilities of a constructive relation between them. The substitution of the island with the ecotone as the concept of nature and the image of human-nature relations is expected to correct ecocritical practices of reading of nature writing, which has been predominantly interpreted within the orientation of nature itself and nature-human relations as an isolated and self-autonomous island. Adopting the ecotone in literary study enables ecocriticism to dig out cultural elements embedded in nature writing and reveal socio-political, ideological factors hidden behind the writers' portrayal of nature as islands.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.58 no.4
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• pp.655-678
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• 2012

Doris Lessing, who considers science and technology as instruments of capitalism, deals with the theme of 'biological evolution' in The Sirian Experiments, the third book in the Canopus in Argos: Archives series. One of her themes that repeats throughout is that of 'spiritual evolution,' and in The Four-Gated City she even used 'biological evolution' as its metaphor. This paper analyzes The Sirian Experiments using scientific knowledge such as the concept of 'biological evolution' from Charles Darwin's evolution theory and Edward O. Wilson's sociobiology. Lessing concludes that while 'biological evolution' not accompanied with 'spiritual evolution' puts humans in existential problems and mental breakdown, the one in equilibrium with the other can bring social and political revolution. Lessing's concept of 'spiritual evolution' is basically a product of her holistic view and her own philosophical view that human evolution is a necessary process following the Universal Order, which shows that she is influenced by Sufism. The basic tenet in Sufi philosophy is to achieve equilibrium between the rational and non-rational modes of consciousness. Lessing incorporates her rational and irrational ideas into The Sirian Experiments to make a field for confluence where the biological, the sociological, and the spiritual thinking converge.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.34
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• pp.7-41
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• 2014

This article examines magical realism in contemporary european film, which is considered to be one of the most popular styles in the present culture, with regards to Antonio Negri's theory of art. Magical realism is "alternative approach to reality" (Maggie Ann Bowers, Magic(al) Realism) and defined as "a fictional technique that combines fantasy with raw physical reality or social reality in a search for truth beyond that available from the surface of everyday life" (Joan Mellen, Magic Realism). The term of Magic Realism was coined in 1923 by Franz Roh, German art historian, as the concept for the post-expressionist painting in Germany. It has flourished in the Latin-American literature during the 1950s to 1980s and spread worldwide. Since 1980s magical realism is considered to be a universal artistic mode. Since 1990s magical realism is to find in the various novels, and since 2000 one encounters magical realism in the cinema very often. Antonio Negri writes about the relationship between life, imagination, art and the political in his book Art et Multitude. According to Negri, the hard life of people in the present society liberates the imagination and this creates the art as "the excess of the existence". In this process the aesthetic becomes to the political. Negri calls this space of art as "magical time and space". Claire Denis' film Vendredi Soir is analyzed as a contemporary magic realist text, which realizes Negri's concept of art: vendredi soir (friday night) in Vendredi Soir is the magical time, when the impossible becomes the possible, and paris in the public transportation strike is the magical space, where the individuals meet the other in a new situation. The film analysis associates itself with Negri's theory of art: in Vendredi Soir, it is to see, that the excess of the existence liberates imagination and creates the magic reality both in the movements of things and the human relationship. The phenomenon of magical realism in contemporary culture can be understood as the symptom of the emotional and existential pains of contemporary people in the current world. The contemporaneity of the magical realism can be read in the film as "the metaphor for contemporary thought" (Alain Badiou, Cinema). As Antonio Negri writes, art can become "the aesthetic redemption" (Negri, Art et Multitude) for us. At the same time "(t)his is where aesthetics can be transformed into the political." (Lee, "Communism and the Void")

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.16
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• pp.71-103
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• 2013

This paper explores the key figure of minjung misul ("the people's art"), Kim Bongjun, and the art collective Dureong in the relationship between 'dialogue' and the dissidents' structural critique of Korea's modernities. During the 1980s' prodemocracy movement, the minjung artists and other dissident intellectuals used the notion of dialogue as metaphor for and allegory of democracy to articulate not only Koreans' experience of modern history, which they saw as "alienating" and "inhumane," but also the discrepancies between Koreans' predicaments and their political aspirations and their working toward the fulfillment of those ideals. Envisioning alternative forms of modernities, Kim Bongjun and other Dureong members paid attention to the fundamental elements of art, which consist of art as a modern institution, as well as the everyday lives of people as the very site of Koreans' modernities. They endeavored to create "art of life," which presumes its being part of people's lives, based on the cultural and spiritual traditions of the agrarian community. They also participated in the national culture movement, the minjung church, and the alternative-life movement to radically envision everyday lives through the indigenous reinterpretation of democratic values. Despite the significant role played by the church mission and its community involvement, its effects on minjung misul have received little attention in the relevant studies. Thus, I consider in particular the minjung church's and the alternative-life movement's confluence of multiple cultural and social constituencies in relation to Kim and the Dureong collective's vision of a new art and community.

• Journal of the Korean Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.30-37
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• 2002

The authors reviewed the child and adolescent's traumatic experiences expressed in movies through late 1950s to year 2002. The movies are roughly classified by 3 categories based on the methods that used to express protagonist's experience and to uncover the meaning that is implied, that is, an important motive of growth, a metaphor of socio-political issues, or merely an event to develop a drama. Movie is a product of repetition compulsion and an activity like symbolic play between creator and spectators through screen, which enables a kind of corrective emotional experience. The curative elements in movies were also reviewed. The authors suggest the importance of mutual communications between movie creators and psychiatrists because media images about psychiatric issues can make internal stereotypes in conscious and unconscious mind of spectators.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.66
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• pp.184-210
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• 2014

There have been technologically distorted naturalization and overzealous digital culture in the formation and development of digital society in Korea. While the suppressive aspects of the 'neo-'authoritarian control and regulation have been excessively centered on the Internet, the autonomous actions of online users from below, with regards to their roles in agenda-setting function, have been evolved as the political. This paper aims to investigate the specificities in the developmental mode of digital technology in Korean society since the mid-90s. In this paper, 'techno-surplus' depicts the state that the abnormal is embedded within a technological artifact beyond its receptive ability. 'Techno-surplus society' designates such an extreme case of specifying technological surplus. In fact, the term of 'techno-surplus society' can be used for a metaphor symbolizing our society, in which social distortion and abnormality caused by 'techno-surplus' have been quite frequently happening, in its comparison to a degree of normality in the institutional politics. This paper explores the local specificities of 'techno-surplus society', in which the regressive aspects have stand out as being more different from the technological developments in China, Japan and the U.S.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.16
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• pp.168-206
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• 2001

This study attempts to examine the relationships between the major market-based media and the government after closing military regime era, 1961-1987. After the military regime was collapsed, while the mass media in Korea obtained independence and autonomy from government, they have been confronted with the terrible competition not so much comparatively as before. The watchdog role in the traditional liberalism, which is regarded as normative relationship between the media and the government would be transformed in accordance with the market condition and the maturity of democracy. Thus, the watchdog metaphor has been variously deviated in rower-centered society; lap dog, guard dog, attack dog. liberalists argue that the primary democratic role of the media is to art as a public watchdog overseeing the state. Social democrats, however, criticize them as simplistic conception which could be only applied to the government. They argue that the media should be seen as a source of redress against the abuse of all forms of power over others; the home, the economy, and the civil society. The lap dog view is that the media is overwhelmingly dependent on the established power structure contrary to the watchdog. While the guard dog perspective is a means to preserve the power structure alarming with playing 'conflict role', the attack do8 aims to the private interest of the media in intruding into the politics. The attack dog perspective by T. Patterson could be composed of the interpretive style of report, the game schema report over the policy schema in the election, and the negativism against politics and government. The market-dominant press has been likely to transform from lap-guard dog into attack-guard dog. In Roh Tae Woo government(1988-1992), while the press was a lessened lap-guard dog before three parties merger in 1990, after merger the press had been transformed as the reinforced lap-guard dog because this merger entailed joint, party-to-party negotiations, and the formation of the new party preceded by dissolution of the ruling blot. In the early stage of Kim Young Sam government(1993-1997), the press has kept in pace with the reform movement drive-forced by the government. However, the press withdrew the support of Kim's reform in reaching the level of threat to ruling bloc. The press coalesced only circumstantially with government and was interested in preserving some margin of independence. The failure of Kim's reform proved the political muscle of the press in post-autho-ritarianism. In the middle stage of Kim Dae Jung government (1998-) that resulted in the shift of power structure as once-opposition party leader, the stress has been a manifested attack-guard dog owing to the anti-cold war policy, the realignment policy of power, and the minority-base of Kim's government. The press has endeavored to hold political communication within limits relatively less threatening to the established order.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.8 no.3
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• pp.143-148
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• 2022

The subject of this paper is the practical examples of technoculture that critically thinks network technology, a strong material foundation in the era of data capitalism in the 21st century, and appropriates its socio-cultural metaphor as an artistic potential. In order to analyze its alternatives and the meaning of cultural politics, this paper examines the properties and influence of data capitalism after the 2008 global financial crisis, and the cultural and artistic context formed by its reaction. The first case considered in this paper, Furtherfield's workshop, provided a useful example of how citizens can participate in social change through learning and education in which art and technology are interrelated. The second case, Greek hackerspace HSGR, developed network technology as a tool to overcome the crisis by proposing a new progressive cultural commons due to Greece's financial crisis caused by the global financial crisis and a decrease in the state's creative support. The third case, Paolo Cirio's project, promoted a critical citizenship towards the state and community systems as dominant types of social governance. These technoculture cases can be evaluated as efforts to combine and rediscover progressive political ideology and its artistic realization tradition in the context of cultural politics, paying attention to the possibility of signifying practices of network technology that dominates the contemporary economic system.