• Korean System Dynamics Review
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• v.12 no.3
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• pp.47-66
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• 2011

South Korea has achieved remarkable social and economic development together with the process of democratization over the past 20 years. In the democratic process in South Korea, ordinary people have actively participated in conventional political activities such as elections. But recently, one of the salient phenomena is that the public have been showing political apathy associated with a light poll. Especially, the most serious concern in the political environment of South Korea is that young voters (e.g., 20-30s) have serious political apathy leading to low voter turnout. Regarding this concern, many political scientists argued that this political phenomenon is not only the case in South Korea, insisting that many consolidated democratic countries such as European countries and the US have the same problems. However, South Korea has contained different factors (e.g., historical, culture, social, and political differences) leading to political apathy and light poll. Unfortunately, no one has clearly explain the phenomenon. In fact, in order for scholars to understand and explain these concerns, they should carefully look at the phenomenon with diverse perspectives and approaches. The main purpose of this paper is to explain why the digital generation has political apathy and are reluctant to participate in political activities such as voting. Using causal loop analysis which is based on systematic thinking, we not only analyzed the pattern of the digital generation' political participation with regard to diverse perspectives, but also attempted to draw new political implications from the analysis. Based on our analysis, we tried to suggest some implications for political stability and development in South Korea in the future.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.103-127
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• 2014

This study reviews existing research on the measurement of and the relationship between political diversity and political participation. It addresses the inconsistency in the arguments of existing studies researching the influence of political diversity on political participation. It attempts to find the cause in the variety of approaches to conceptualize and operationalize the two variables. As the measure of political diversity, political network heterogeneity and network attributes are discussed in detail in specific relation to political participation. As for political participation, an in-depth analysis of various ways to understand different forms of political involvement is presented. Implications for public opinion research are discussed.

• Strategy21
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• s.34
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• pp.26-57
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• 2014

Revolution of Shale gas literally brings about great changes in many spheres. In the past most academic research had been focused on the influence and innovative change in term of economic perspective. But nowadays we should more concern about the security approach and perspective as its status of the future's core energy resources. Revolution of Shale gas has an great influence on the reshaping of global and regional alliance order. There are many international political implications as follows. Contribution of energy hegemony with leading U.S.; Acting as strategic leverage on the reshaping international order; Deepening competition among major states on the construction of energy security and so on. We'd better make a good solution and systematic policies which are preparing for the Shale gas's revolution period including on the understanding about the change on the global energy structure and making a national policy agenda of energy security issues and so on. The thesis like 'to get the energy resources is to get the hegemonic power in the world' will persist. The same holds good of Shale gas case. To meet the revolution of shale gas era, we have important tasks as like making an opportunity to develope not only regional but also international prosperity.

• Knowledge Management Research
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.87-103
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• 2019

The purpose of this study was to explore the factors influencing acceptance (e.g., comprehension,) and diffusion of information recipients' by depending on the authenticity of news. Specifically, this study has examined the effects of the news contents(political vs. general), need for cognition(high vs. low) and authenticity of the News(real news vs. fake news) on both acceptance and diffusion of news. Based on previous work, this study has developed a conceptual model to present each research hypothesis and tested it by conducting experiments as the follows. As a result, according to the authenticity of the news and the contents of the news (political and general), the acceptance of political contents was high regardless of the authenticity of the news, and the acceptance of real news was higher than that of fake news. However, in the proliferation (comment), both the political contents and the general contents showed the characteristic of spreading (commenting) fake news rather than real news. contrary to this, the cognitive level did not show any significant difference in acceptance (understanding) and proliferation (comment, sharing, recommendation). This study provides academic implications in that it examines the influences of accepting (comprehension) and diffusion (comment, sharing, recommendation) of real news and fake news. It also provides practical implications for responding to fake news and new marketing strategies in an environment where contents are delivered through diverse social media.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.27-43
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• 2009

A ban on political podcasting during the General Elections 2006 in Singapore was justified by the Singaporean government on the grounds that the new medium had a greater power to influence voters than traditional modes of political discourse. A between-subjects controlled experiment was conducted to test whether podcasts of political speeches had a greater power to influence voters' evaluations of political candidates and likelihood of voting for them than online text-based transcripts of the same speeches. The study also examined whether mere exposure to political speeches online, irrespective of the modality, had an effect on voters' more general political preferences, i.e. the likelihood of support and voting for the opposition. The findings suggest that political podcasts were no more persuasive than text-based websites and that the effects on political preferences, if any, were likely due the exposure to political content online, not because of the nature of the medium. The implications of the findings are discussed.

• STI Policy Review
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.54-86
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• 2015

The study examines the U.S. Small Business Innovation Research (SBIR) program, with a focus on the recent Reauthorization, and compares, in the political context, the U.S. and East Asian countries-Japan, Korea and Taiwan-that adopted the U.S. SBIR program. For the systematic analysis and cross-country comparison, the study employs Kingdon (2003)'s framework-his political theory and Garbage Can Model-to identify political participants and processes underlying the SBIR Reauthorization and to analyze the differences in problem, policy, and politics streams between the U.S. and East Asian countries. For the cross-country comparison, specifically, the study uses various data sources such as OECD, Global Entrepreneurship Monitor, Hofstede's Cultural Dimensions, and World Value Survey. Based on the analysis outcomes, implications of U.S. practices on East Asian countries are extracted as follows. East Asian countries tend to: Have higher entrepreneurial aspiration while lower entrepreneurial activity and attitude than the U.S.; bear higher long term orientation and uncertainty avoidance while lower individualism than the U.S.; and have greater expectations of technology development and higher confidence in political parties while participating less in political action than the U.S. Drawing on the differences, the following policy recommendations are suggested. East Asian countries should: Improve entrepreneurs' access to resources (in particular, financial resource) in order to link their high entrepreneurial aspiration to actual entrepreneurial activities; cultivate failure-tolerating culture and risk-taking entrepreneurs, for instance, by providing a second chance to SBIR-participating businesses that failed to materialize their innovative ideas; and leverage their high expectations of new technology in order to take bold actions regarding their SBIR programs, and update the programs by drawing out constructive dialogues between SBIR stakeholders.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.18 no.6
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• pp.385-398
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• 2018

This study aims to explore implications by analyzing voters' behaviors and attitudes of political campaigns & political advertising audience in the 19th presidential election. For this purpose, in-depth interviews with 59 voters who voted in the last election were conducted, and interviewees were allocated by their gender and age. As a result, the motivation to ballot for a candidate was based on the candidates' political affiliations to a party, political inclinations, and election pledges. Voters also determined whom they would vote for after watching the final TV debate. The biggest issue of this election was to create jobs in the public sector, an economical issue. TV was the most trusted medium among the voters, and TV debates had the greatest influence in changing the minds of the voters. Voters thought that Shim, Sang Jung was the best on TV debates and that An, Chul Soo was the worst. Also, voters recalled An, Chul Soo the most among all election posters, but they recalled Moon, Jae In the most out of other political advertisement methods. Therefore, the results elucidated the voters' behaviors and the audience's attitudes in political advertising, and this study provided theoretical and practical implications to be utilized in future presidential election campaigns and political advertising endeavors.

• Journal of Korean Public Health Nursing
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• v.29 no.3
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• pp.403-411
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• 2015

Due to lack of an information system regarding the status of using home-visit nursing (HVN), it has barriers of providing improvement of the HVN for management of elderly health care in Korea. The twofold aims of the current review are to expose the existing agendas for HVN and to suggest the political implications for HVN of Korea based on the transition process and revised HVN system of Japan. This review suggests that an information evaluation system has to precede for HVN services in detail. And, the service provided per manpower should be assessed by separating the code of manpower (registered nurse, nurse aide, dental hygienist) as well as securing detailed and precise information on the HVN services. The other suggestion, development of a community-based home health care nursing model in order to provide necessary services for long-term health insurance beneficiaries. In addition, a master plan for health care for elderly should be established at the national level in order to establish an effective home health nursing delivery system.

• Asia-Pacific Journal of Business
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• v.11 no.3
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• pp.217-227
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• 2020

Purpose - Against the backdrop of the recent intense political conflict in Korea's political circles, it is to reveal from an economic point of view the hidden aspects behind the hostile conflict between the two political forces. Design/methodology/approach - This paper is not a normative study to find a solution to political conflict, but a positive study to reveal the mechanism of reciprocity that exists between the two parties of conflict in real politics. Therefore, the analysis is based on game theory methodology. Findings - It is shown that the ruling party should choose a level of preemptive response that is neither insufficient nor excessive if it aims to avoid radical anti-government struggles by opposition parties. We also find that even if the chances of success of the opposition's radical offensive struggle are low, the use of that strategy is not necessarily reduced. In addition, we have obtained comparative static results that do not deviate much from our intuition. What's interesting is that unlike our intuition that the choice of the method will be indifferent if the marginal effects of radical and normal methods of struggle are the same, the opposition party rather chooses the normal method of struggle more often. Research implications or Originality - In forming the analytical model, it reflected the support of the general public following the opposition's struggle against the ruling party in order to capture real politics well in the conflict between the two opposing parties.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.20 no.9
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• pp.224-237
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• 2020

This study is about motivations of using YouTube channels related to politics and its effects on political socialization. Information acquisition from the political channels of YouTube was analyzed from the perspective of uses and gratifications theory. Then, the effects of the variable factors which can influence the perception-attitude-action of political socializations were reviewed. To understand aforesaid aspects, online survey was conducted targeting male and female adults between 20 to 50-year-old. There were four factors observed for the motivations of using YouTube channels of politics, which were 'entertainment of political satire', 'mental stability', 'convenience of the media', and 'pursuit of information'. The impacts on political socialization were verified with path analysis. Among the various motivations of using YouTube channels, 'convenience of the media' and 'pursuit of information' were the factors that positively affected the acquirement of political knowledges. Political knowledges had meaningful influences on increasing people's interest in politics, and their sense of political efficacy. Increased interest in politics led to higher level of sensing political efficacy, then higher political efficacy positively motivated people to participate in politics. The theoretical and practical implications of the study were also discussed based on the findings.