• 한국엔터테인먼트산업학회논문지
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• 제13권7호
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• pp.39-60
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• 2019

본 연구는 디지털 융합 세대의 뉴미디어를 이용한 새로운 정치참여 유형을 살펴보는 것이 목적이다. 이를 위해 연령과 다매체 이용 동기에 따라 집단을 구분하여 이들 집단 간에 미디어 관련 성향, SNS 및 스마트폰 이용 특성, 정치 관련 특성, 그리고 유형별 정치참여의 차이가 존재하는가를 조사하였다. 연구결과는 세대별 미디어이용 특성은 다매체 이용동기의 높고 낮음에 따라 집단 간 차이를 보였고, 정치 관련 특성과 정치참여 유형에 대한 세대별 차이가 있었다. 디지털 세대는 웹 1.0세대보다 정치관여도와 정치효능감이 낮은 것으로 나타났고, 웹 1.0세대에 비해 오프라인 정치참여가 낮은 것으로 나타났다. 또한 정치효능감은 유형별 정치참여 행위에 가장 큰 영향을 주는 조절효과를 가지는 것으로 나타났다.

• Journal of Information Science Theory and Practice
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• 제10권2호
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• pp.86-101
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• 2022

This research aimed at studying the factors that influence new media exposure of political news by youths in Isan society in Thailand. The target group comprised 1,200 individuals, obtained from multi-stage sampling from undergraduate students in Isan's autonomous universities, governmental universities, and private institutions. The data collection tool was a questionnaire, the content of which was validated by experts. The reliability of the tool was tested by the formula for Cronbach's alpha coefficient, which yielded a reliability of 0.83. Multiple regression analysis was applied to analyze the data. The results, regarding factors influencing the channels for political news exposure, showed that channels for political news exposure were mostly influenced by inner drives, followed by importance in political news exposure, influence from social networks, and specific characteristics of the Internet. This could explain the variation of channels for political news exposure at 46.5%. In terms of factors influencing political news selection, it was found that political news selection was influenced mostly from social networks, followed by inner drives, benefits from political news exposure, specific characteristics of the Internet, and the field of study. The variation of the political news selection could be explained at 44.6%. These results elaborate on the current situation in Thailand, especially in Isan region, where youths in higher education are playing an increasing role in demonstrating their political stance through various political activities.

• Asia pacific journal of information systems
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• 제26권1호
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• pp.22-40
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• 2016

Political activities through social networking service (SNS) are common in the political communication environment. The main aim of this study is to present logical and empirical evidence on the effects of politicians' SNS activities. To achieve this goal, this research analyzed the relationship between the SNS activities of politicians and the political efficacy and political participation of citizens through a survey of 644 people. The results of the survey analysis showed that politicians' SNS activities have a positive effect on both the internal and external efficacies of citizens and that these efficacies positively influence political participation. This finding means that the SNS activities of politicians promote political participation by increasing the political efficacy of citizens and states. The results also suggest that SNS, with its characteristics of communication and interaction, plays a crucial role as a political communication medium. Therefore, with SNS, a variety of information sources on politics can be offered, suggestions from citizens can be embraced, and such suggestions can be revealed to politicians as a means of promoting political efficacy and participation.

• 국제지역연구
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• 제20권4호
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• pp.147-161
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• 2016

Based on the samples of the Chinese listed companies, this paper studies the influence of political connection on enterprises M&A. We show that the political networks of the listed corporations in China considerably affect their M&A activities. More and greater M&A appear on the companies with political connection. The government mostly influences the political connections on the enterprises M&A. Moreover, we try to find out how much political connection affect the results of the enterprises M&A. Our study can contribute to a new aspect of the political connection in literature, as well as its fiscal consequences in China.

• 정보화정책
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• 제20권2호
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• pp.3-19
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• 2013

SNS 정치참여에 관한 연구가 가장 많이 다룬 주제는 정치참여 효과, 선거캠페인, 그리고 공론장의 문제였다. 정치참여 효과에 대해서는 SNS 이용자의 정치참여의 특성, SNS가 정치참여에 미치는 변화 정도, 적극적 SNS 정치 참여 집단, 그리고 젊은 층의 정치참여에 미치는 영향 등에 관해서 연구가 진행되었다. 선거 부문에서는 투표율 제고 효과, 투표 행태에 미치는 영향, 선거결과에 미치는 영향, 그리고 정책선거의 가능성 등의 쟁점이 있었다. 끝으로 공론장에 관한 연구는 SNS 정보의 질적 평가와 사회파편화 현상이 주로 논의 되었다. 세 가지 주제 전체에 걸쳐 공통적으로 관찰되는 현상은 거의 모든 쟁점에 대해서 서로 상반되는 주장과 연구결과가 나타난다는 점이다. 이러한 상반된 연구결과는 현실정치 변수가 충분히 고려되지 않은 점과 연구대상과 변수를 엄밀하게 규정하고 설계하지 못한 점에서 비롯될 가능성이 크다. 향후 국가 간 비교연구를 통해 현실정치 맥락을 풍부하게 반영하고, 독립변수를 좀 더 세밀하고 구분한다면 SNS 정치참여에 대한 보다 정확한 연구성과를 얻을 수 있을 것이다.

• 한국의류학회지
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• 제39권4호
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• pp.477-491
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• 2015

This study analyzes Chinese dresses featured in propaganda posters since the mid-$20^{th}$ century as well as explores the political characteristics of dress. This study used an in-depth interview method to investigate information from 10 Chinese familiar with public awareness and donning practices of the Chinese from 1949 to present. Interviews and analysis provided the following conclusions. First, Zhongshan-zhuang, Liening-Zhuang and Bulaji were widely worn in the Reconstruction because of the revolutionary spirit; in addition, Huayishang also became simultaneously popular as a means to reflect the new aspects of socialism. Second, Jufu/Junbianfu were the most common dresses during the period of Cultural Revolution because the government used various mechanisms to control public opinion. Third, Western fashion began to enter the Chinese market and suit wearing by the Chinese became a symbol of the Reformation and Open-door policy. Traditional dress is no longer a symbol of Feudalism and is a part of Chinese culture that has been reaccepted in the Reformation and Open-door times. Finally, during these 60 years, Chinese dress has obvious political characteristics, but began to change. The changes of political characteristics were, de-politicization expressed by the introduction of Western ready-made, permissions for traditional dress and diversification/ individualization.

• The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
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• 제8권5호
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• pp.627-637
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• 2021

This research extends the literature on the effect of board characteristics and ownership structure on audit fees; these factors affect the firm's agency costs and how the auditor assesses various risks, hence the audit efforts and fees. The paper introduces political connections as a determinant of audit fees for the first time in Jordan, where the political connection is prevalent and affects decision making on the Jordanian boards. The sample consists of 109 manufacturing and service firms listed on the Amman Stock Exchange (ASE) over the years 2012-2019. Data is obtained from the ASE and the company's annual reports. Board characteristics are measured by board size, independence, leadership duality, meetings frequency, political connections, and audit committee. Ownership structure was measured by concentration, foreign ownership, and Institutional ownership. The study hypotheses were tested by using Generalized Least Squares regression. The Findings showed that larger boards, politically connected firms, and firms with leadership duality are more likely to pay higher fees. Besides, Firms with greater foreign ownership pay less fees, whereas the rest of the variables are insignificant. Results suggest that political connections play a major role in determining audit fees; this provides a recommendation to policymakers in Jordan to reconsider regulations regarding political connections.

• 의정연구
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• 제15권1호
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• pp.65-92
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• 2009

정치적 신뢰란 정부가 자신이 기대한 바대로 결과물을 산출하고 있는지에 대한 국민들의 주관적 인식의 결정체라 할 수 있다. 이 연구는 이러한 정치적 신뢰의 내생적(endogenous) 측면과 외생적(exogenous) 측면에 초점을 맞추어 정치적 신뢰가 어떤 요인들에 의해 영향을 받으며 또 어떤 정치적 결과를 만들어 내고 있는지에 대한 이론적 논의를 정리하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 정치적 신뢰의 변화에 영향을 미치는 요인으로 정부정책, 정치인의 비윤리적 행태, 국민들의 참여민주주의적 성향, 정부에 대한 국민들의 왜곡된 이해, 정치문화에 초점을 맞추어 각각의 요인들이 어떻게 정치적 신뢰를 변하게 만드는지 살펴본다. 또한 정부의 통치능력, 선거결과, 정치충원, 정부정책의 방향성의 측면에서 정치적 신뢰가 정치과정에 어떠한 결과를 만들어내는지를 알아본다.

• 분석과 대안
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• 제4권2호
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• pp.133-162
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• 2020

This article examines China's political characteristics from a cultural perspective. First, it demonstrates the usefulness of the semiotic model through comparative analysis of various political and cultural research methods. Next, this model is used to analyze the representative religions of China, Confucianism and Taoism. Lastly, it analyzes the influence of the cultural codes derived through this on Chinese politics. In conclusion, China has a monolithic cultural code that seeks harmony with transcendental order centered on secular order. It is analyzed that the cultural code of this characteristic had an influence on the orientations of non-rationalization and realism.

• 치위생과학회지
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• 제23권2호
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• pp.93-102
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• 2023

Background: To investigate political participation by dental hygiene students and analyze the differences therein based on the learning efficacy of dental hygiene policy. Methods: A total of 239 dental hygiene students who were expected to graduate responded to the survey. The data were collected online using a structured questionnaire consisting of 6 items on general characteristics, 10 on political participation, and 15 on the learning efficacy of dental hygiene policy. Statistical analysis was performed using SPSS 23.0. Political participation based on the learning efficacy of dental hygiene policy was analyzed using independent t-tests, ANOVA, and multiple regression analysis (p<0.05). Results: Among the dental hygiene students, 60.7% voted in all three recent presidential, general, and local elections, and 14.2% did not. For political parties supported, 65.7% responded that they had "no supporting party," and 34.3% indicated that they had a "supporting party." In terms of the level of political participation of dental hygiene students (0~50 points), the average score was 25.8 points, with the average passive political participation (0~25 points) score at 15.6 points and the average active political participation (0~25 points) score at 10.2 points. With an increase in dental hygiene policy learning efficacy, both passive and active political participation showed higher scores (p<0.05). Conclusion: Dental hygiene students showed low political participation. The presence of a supporting party, higher voting participation, and higher learning efficacy of dental hygiene policy were associated with higher passive and active political participation. Therefore, to increase this population's interest in political participation, various opportunities for related learning need to be promoted and provided in academia, leading to the enhancement of their political capabilities. In this manner, dental hygienists should expand their capabilities in various roles such as advocates, policy makers, and leaders.