• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.18
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• pp.225-245
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• 1992

The button is a part of costume. But it has the symbolism of costume in itself and reflects the sociocultural phenomena. The purpose of this study is to clarify symbolism of button of eighteenth and nineteenth century which had been most popular. This study is based on the library research. Through this paper, I reached conclusions as follows. The symbolism of button is found in various ways. First, Aesthetics is found in material, color, design and type etc. of button. Especially Indian silver button of abstract type shows well distinctive aesthetics of Indians. Second, The material and the number of button vary with one's status and show off one's privilege. I England, there was the rule, in which the symbol of the King was a silver button with a figure of lion. The livery button represents his family to the nble and shows the meaning of obedience to the servant. Third, The button on uniform varies with ranks. This is prominent in a uniform of a soldier or a policeman. Fourth Material and craft of button show one's economic position. The button gives a Very good picture of what one's life was then. Precious button with gold, silver, and other jewels is an index to one's property. Fifth, The button of political event is used for election, which shows the face and the name of runner. Besides that, there were buttons designed for the flag or the slogan for political event. Sixth, The button of social event reflects a social phase of life in war or revolution, for example, it satirizes the burning of the Bastille in the French Revolution, or the taxpayer bearing the burden. Seventh, the buttons that symbolize a historic event are made to commemorante an epochal and critical occurrence or an important person's birth, death, visit to some place, etc., Eighth, there were well-known persons, for example, a president, a king, a queen, a singer, or an artist in the buton of personality. Nineth, The button of one's company shows one's community in figures or pictures, that is, this button is used as a symbol one's community. Tenth, The button varies with the development of science and technology. It gives a very good picture of what it was and what the technological level was. Eleventh, The buttons that symmbolize on occupation most impressively are uniform buttons. Symbolic marks related with a particular occupation are carved on the buttons of compary employees' uniforms. Twelfth, Various natural phenomena are designed to appear on buttons, Some express themselves simply as they are, and others appear as a symbolic form such as environmental relationship between men and nature, four seasons, a constellation and all other natural things occurring during a year. Finally, The button of rebus is a motto expressed by a combination with objects figures, letters, words, or phrases.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.48 no.1
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• pp.46-56
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• 2020

The 88 Olympic Park is a monumental urban park in Seoul, developed to commemorate South Korea's hosting of the 1988 Seoul Olympic Games. Initially conceived to emphasize the event slogan, 'Cultural Olympics,' which was driven by the Korean government, the park, already designed and constructed by 1986, was reconfigured into a sculpture park following two international outdoor sculpture Olympiads and an invitational sculpture exhibition. This study takes a look at the process of redesigning the park into sculpture park and the socio-political discussions surrounding such a process, in order to reconsider the significance of the 88 Seoul Olympic Park with regards to Korean landscape architectural history. Several discussions within Korean society arose during the redesign process. First, there were critiques on the artwork selection during the early phase of the project. Second, issues regarding the conservation of the national heritage site, Mongchon-tosung, located within the park, gave rise to a larger discourse on heritage preservation in Seoul. Third, discussions regarding the formation of the park identity, or lack thereof, prevalent. Through this study, the 88 Seoul Olympic Park presents itself as an example where large park construction in Seoul caused discussions regarding globalization, nationalism, publicness and art to be brought forth. This paper concludes that the 88 Seoul Olympic Park is a cultural landscape that requires further examination and exploration as it provides rich historical context for understanding the history of cultural and artistic practices in Korean urban landscapes.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.105
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• pp.373-400
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• 2008

This essay is an analysis on Daoist deconstructivism and Confucian constructivism about music and language. (1) Daoist criticizes that the Confucian constructive music and language fail to describe original sounds and original facts of doing nothing (wuwei, 無爲). According to Daoist, music and language can be an instrument to describe true facts in the world. So Daoists try to attain a state of 'seeing things as things themselves (yiwuguanwu, 以物觀物)' by 'forgetting oneself (wangwo, 忘我).' (2) However Confucian music and language is a part of one's life. Confucians try to get truth, goodness, and beauty by exercising one's music and language. Confucian music is associated with political and moral development in society. The Confucian genres of poetry (shi, 詩), appealing letter (shu, 疏), declaring writing (biao, 表), record (ji, 記), and written words (ci, 詞) are processes of developing one's life. Further, Confucian rhetoric of 'Xing (興)' in writing poem shows that one's language can be developed in contexts of one's life. (3) Although music and language is associated with human subjective narratives as if Confucians say, diverse narratives of different subjectivity cannot appear in one's lives if all kinds of narrative is absorbed in Confucian absolute ideological slogan to devide things into good and bad. Accordingly, the Confucian view of music and language can develop diverse narratives when it does not show an inclination toward moral dichotomy preunderstood by Confucian ideology.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.22
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• pp.157-199
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• 2009

The organization for managing records and archives did not emerge together with the founding of the Chinese Communist Party. Such management became active with the establishment of the Department of Documents (文書科) and its affiliated offices overseeing reading and safekeeping of official papers, after the formation of the Central Secretariat(中央秘書處) in 1926. Improving the work of the Secretariat's organization became the focus of critical discussions in the early 1930s. The main criticism was that the Secretariat had failed to be cognizant of its political role and degenerated into a mere "functional organization." The solution to this was the "politicization of the Secretariat's work." Moreover, influenced by the "Rectification Movement" in the 1940s, the party emphasized the responsibility of the Resources Department (材料科) that extended beyond managing documents to collecting, organizing and providing various kinds of important information data. In the mean time, maintaining security with regard to composing documents continued to be emphasized through such methods as using different names for figures and organizations or employing special inks for document production. In addition, communications between the central political organs and regional offices were emphasized through regular reports on work activities and situations of the local areas. The General Secretary not only composed the drafts of the major official documents but also handled the reading and examination of all documents, and thus played a central role in record processing. The records, called archives after undergoing document processing, were placed in safekeeping. This function was handled by the "Document Safekeeping Office(文件保管處)" of the Central Secretariat's Department of Documents. Although the Document Safekeeping Office, also called the "Central Repository(中央文庫)", could no longer accept, beginning in the early 1930s, additional archive transfers, the Resources Department continued to strengthen throughout the 1940s its role of safekeeping and providing documents and publication materials. In particular, collections of materials for research and study were carried out, and with the recovery of regions which had been under the Japanese rule, massive amounts of archive and document materials were collected. After being stipulated by rules in 1931, the archive classification and cataloguing methods became actively systematized, especially in the 1940s. Basically, "subject" classification methods and fundamental cataloguing techniques were adopted. The principle of assuming "importance" and "confidentiality" as the criteria of management emerged from a relatively early period, but the concept or process of evaluation that differentiated preservation and discarding of documents was not clear. While implementing a system of secure management and restricted access for confidential information, the critical view on providing use of archive materials was very strong, as can be seen in the slogan, "the unification of preservation and use." Even during the revolutionary movement and wars, the Chinese Communist Party continued their efforts to strengthen management and preservation of records & archives. The results were not always desirable nor were there any reasons for such experiences to lead to stable development. The historical conditions in which the Chinese Communist Party found itself probably made it inevitable. The most pronounced characteristics of this process can be found in the fact that they not only pursued efficiency of records & archives management at the functional level but, while strengthening their self-awareness of the political significance impacting the Chinese Communist Party's revolution movement, they also paid attention to the value possessed by archive materials as actual evidence for revolutionary policy research and as historical evidence of the Chinese Communist Party.