• Title/Summary/Keyword: Political Reform

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A Study on Political Reform and Ethical Improvement

  • Kim Taek
    • International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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    • v.11 no.3
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    • pp.51-58
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    • 2023
  • Through this incident, it reminds me of the idea that personnel appointments are everything once again. Public officials should try to be good at ethics and conduct. If a public official fails to fulfill his or her role as a public official, how can the public trust him or her? You should know that the country does not exist under that official. Looking back on the constitutional history after liberation, it is undeniable that the collusion between politicians and businessmen shocked the people with many suspicions and distrust, and the various irregularities they caused disrupted healthy democracy and the national economic order. In this respect, this paper focuses on Korean political reform measures, but also examines ways to improve public officials' ethics. This paper focuses on that political reform should move in the direction of revitalizing the function of the National Assembly and allowing autonomous and independent parliamentary activities. Parliamentary activities should not be too dampened, and it should not end in a brief promotion in consideration of election votes. The ruling and opposition parties should seriously consider and implement this political reform plan. As one of the people, I hope that this privilege reform plan can be a touchstone for the advancement of political culture. This paper was studied as follows. First, the purpose and justification of political reform were identified. Second, it emphasized the need to improve public service ethics. Third, the problems and improvement measures of political reform were considered.

중국공산당의 정치개혁은 퇴보하는가: 시진핑 시기 당내 민주의 변화와 지속성

  • Lee, Dong-Gyu
    • 중국학논총
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    • no.65
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    • pp.215-234
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    • 2020
  • This paper aims to analyze the recent consolidation of Xi Jinping's power in the context of political reform of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), and reason out its implications. After Reform and Opening Up, the CCP needed to adapt to the changing society, secure its legitimacy and reinforce its ruling power. Therefore, the CCP has practiced political reform focused on intra-democracy since 16th Party Congress in 2002. Intra-democracy in the CCP's collective leadership consists of two parts: a stable power succession, based on term limits and age limits, and a democratic management system, based on checks and compromises between political factions. Those mechanisms of intra-democracy are still functioning in the Xi Jinping era, which explains that the consolidation of Xi's power is the result of the agreement in the CCP. In other words, it is a short-term change to efficiently deal with challenges the CCP is facing.

Electoral Reform Movement in Malaysia : Emergence, Protest, and Reform

  • Khoo, Ying Hooi
    • SUVANNABHUMI
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    • v.6 no.2
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    • pp.85-106
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    • 2014
  • Protests are not new in Malaysia, though it is restricted by the ruling government. The trend of street protests and demonstrations since the emergence of Coalition for Clean and Fair Elections (Bersih), Malaysia's first people movement on electoral reform, has triggered a sentiment of people power among Malaysian citizens. With protests and popular mobilization becoming pronounced in Malaysian politics, political activism becomes for Malaysians a channel of discontent and expression of political preferences. Using information obtained from interviews with individuals linked to the movement, this paper articulates that protests are no longer exclusive to Malaysians. This paper illustrates the emergence of the Bersih movement and explores the three Bersih mass rallies that took place in 2007, 2011, and 2012. This paper further links the protests with the electoral reform initiatives. It argues that the Bersih movement has managed to lobby fundamental changes in the Malaysian political culture.

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Factors Associated With Failure of Health System Reform: A Systematic Review and Meta-synthesis

  • Mahboubeh Bayat;Tahereh Kashkalani;Mahmoud Khodadost;Azad Shokri;Hamed Fattahi;Faeze Ghasemi Seproo;Fatemeh Younesi;Roghayeh Khalilnezhad
    • Journal of Preventive Medicine and Public Health
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    • v.56 no.2
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    • pp.128-144
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    • 2023
  • Objectives: The health system reform process is highly political and controversial, and in most cases, it fails to realize its intended goals. This study was conducted to synthesize factors underlying the failure of health system reforms. Methods: In this systematic review and meta-synthesis, we searched 9 international and regional databases to identify qualitative and mixed-methods studies published up to December 2019. Using thematic synthesis, we analyzed the data. We utilized the Standards for Reporting Qualitative Research checklist for quality assessment. Results: After application of the inclusion and exclusion criteria, 40 of 1837 articles were included in the content analysis. The identified factors were organized into 7 main themes and 32 sub-themes. The main themes included: (1) reforms initiators' attitudes and knowledge; (2) weakness of political support; (3) lack of interest group support; (4) insufficient comprehensiveness of the reform; (5) problems related to the implementation of the reform; (6) harmful consequences of reform implementation; and (7) the political, economic, cultural, and social conditions of the society in which the reform takes place. Conclusions: Health system reform is a deep and extensive process, and shortcomings and weaknesses in each step have overcome health reform attempts in many countries. Awareness of these failure factors and appropriate responses to these issues can help policymakers properly plan and implement future reform programs and achieve the ultimate goals of reform: to improve the quantity and quality of health services and the health of society.

Shelley's Politics of Discourse (셸리와 담론정치 -『개혁에 대한 철학적 고찰』을 중심으로)

  • Ryu, Son-Moo
    • Journal of English Language & Literature
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    • v.56 no.2
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    • pp.255-276
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    • 2010
  • Despite some critics' efforts to highlight Shelley's political fruitfulness, they tend to disregard meaningful differences that Shelley has from other Jacobin radicals of his times. Accordingly, the critics tackle his apparent incoherence revealed in A Philosophical View of Reform; the first two sections contain a keen insight into the socio-political injustice prevalent in Britain and the reasons behind it, while the third section withdraws from the previous radical position and settles with a moderate electorate reform. This paper argues that recent developments in post-structuralist and post-Marxist theory help to clearly assess Shelley's political position. Emphasizing that the Jacobin concept of revolution is incompatible with the plurality and opening which a radical democracy requires, post-marxists such as Ernest Laclau and Chantal Mouffee claim that a more viable form of political resistance is to expose repression and force involved in hegemonic articulations. For them, dislocation, a distabilization of a discourse that results from the emergence of events which cannot be domesticated, symbolized, or integrated within the discourse, opens up the possibility of freedom for agents. A Philosophical View of Reform is an attempt to dislocate the discourses of monarchy and paper money by exposing their social and historical constructiveness and their repressive exclusion of alternative discourses. The political goal of this essay is to awaken subjects within a hegemonic structure by decentering the structure and to make them act by stimulating new discoursive constructions.

Exploring Policy Reform Options for the Welfare Regime Shift in Korea (한국 복지의 새판 짜기를 위한 문제 인식과 방안 모색)

  • Hong, Kyung Zoon
    • Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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    • v.69 no.2
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    • pp.9-30
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    • 2017
  • Generally, regime shift occurs less frequently than policy change and/or government change. Regime shift needs alterations and changes along the three critical components which constitute a domestic regime: (1) the character of the socioeconomic coalition that rules the country; (2) the political and economic institutions through which power is acquired and exercised; and (3) the public policy profile that give political direction to the nation. This paper tries to examine characteristics of the welfare regime of Korea, and explore policy reform options for the welfare regime shift in Korea. From the viewpoint of livelihood security perspective, I firstly tries to examine development process of Korean welfare regime and specify the main characteristics of that regime. Secondly, I present three policy reform options: (1) reform of the formal political institutions such as electoral system and government type; (2) restructuring of the composition of government expenditure structure; and (3) reduction of the informal employment. These three policy reform options are related to the alteration of socioeconomic coalitions and the changes of the political and economic institutions. Instead of concluding remarks, I finally suggest two debate topics to the round table discussion.

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Railway Governance and Power Structure in China

  • Lee, Jinjing
    • International Journal of Railway
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    • v.1 no.4
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    • pp.129-133
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    • 2008
  • Over the last $15{\sim}20$years, many countries have adopted policies of railway privatization to keep up with increasing competition from road and air transport. Although each country and case has its own history, market characteristics, political context as well as administrative process, railway privatizations (including railway restructure, concession etc.) in the west usually are accompanied with the establishment of new regulatory regimes. Therefore, railway governance has been innovating towards an interaction of government, regulator, industry bodies, user groups, trade unions and other interested groups within the regulatory framework. However, it is not the case in China. Although China had seen a partial privatization in some branch lines and is experiencing a much larger-scale privatization by establishing joint-ventures to build and operate high-speed passenger lines and implementing an asset-based securitization program, administrative control still occupies absolutely dominant position in the railway governance in China. Ministry of Railway (MOR) acts as the administrator, operator as well as regulator. There is no national policy that clearly positions railway in the transportation network and clarifies the role of government in railway development. There is also little participation from interested groups in the railway policy making, pricing, service standard or safety matter. Railway in China is solely governed by the mere executive agency. Efficiency-focused economic perspective explanation is far from satisfaction. A wider research perspective from political and social regime is of great potential to better explain and solve the problem. In the west, separation and constrains of power had long been established as a fundamental rule. In addition to internal separation of political power(legislation, execution and jurisdiction), rise of corporation in the 19th century and association revolution in the 20th century greatly fostered the growth of economic and social power. Therefore, political, social and economic organizations cooperate and compete with each other, which leads to a balanced and resonable power structure. While in China, political power, mainly party-controlled administrative power has been keeping a dominated position since the time of plan economy. Although the economic reform promoted the growth of economic power of enterprises, it is still not strong enough to compete with political power. Furthermore, under rigid political control, social organizations usually are affiliated to government, independent social power is still too weak to function. So, duo to the limited and slow reform in political and social regime in China, there is an unbalanced power structure within which political power is dominant, economic power expanding while social power still absent. Totally different power structure in China determines the fundamental institutional environment of her railway privatization and governance. It is expected that the exploration of who act behind railway governance and their acting strength (a power theory) will present us a better picture of railway governance as a relevant transportation mode. The paper first examines the railway governance in China and preliminarily establishes a linkage between railway governance and its fundamental institutional environment, i.e. power structure in a specific country. Secondly, the reason why there is no national policy in China is explored in the view of political power. In China, legislative power is more symbolic while party-controlled administrative power dominates political process and plays a fundamental role in Chinese railway governance. And then, in the part three railway finance reform is analyzed in the view of economic power, esp. the relationship of political power and economic power.

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The Records and Archives Administrative Reform in China in 1930s (1930년대 중국 문서당안 행정개혁론의 이해)

  • Lee, Won-Kyu
    • The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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    • no.10
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    • pp.276-322
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    • 2004
  • Historical interest in China in 1930s has been mostly focused on political characteristic of the National Government(國民政府) which was established by the KMT(中國國民黨) as a result of national unification. It is certain that China had a chance to construct a modern country by the establishment of the very unified revolutionary government. But, it was the time of expanding national crises that threatened the existence of the country such as the Manchurian Incident and the Chinese-Japanese War as well as the chaos of the domestic situation, too. So it has a good reason to examine the characteristic and pattern of the response of the political powers of those days. But, as shown in the recent studies, the manifestation method of political power by the revolutionary regime catches our attention through the understanding of internal operating system. Though this writing started from the fact that the Nationalist Government executed the administrative reform which aimed at "administrative efficiency" in the middle of 1930s, but it put stress on the seriousness of the problem and its solution rather than political background or results. "Committee on Administrative Efficiency(行政效率委員會)", the center of administrative reform movement which was established in 1934, examined the plan to execute the reform through legislation by the Executive Council(行政院) on the basis of the results of relevant studies. They claimed that the construction of a modern country should be performed by not political revolution anymore but by gradual improvement and daily reform, and that the operation of the government should become modern, scientific and efficient. There were many fields of administrative reform subjects, but especially, the field of records and archives adminstration(文書檔案行政) was studied intensively from the initial stage because that subject had already been discussed intensively. They recognized that records and archives were the basic tool of work performance and general activity but an inefficient field in spite of many input staff members, and most of all, archival reform bring about less conflicts than the fields of finance, organization and personnel. When it comes to the field of records adminstration, the key subjects that records should be written simply, the process of record treatment should be clear and the delay of that should be prevented were already presented in a records administrative meeting in 1922. That is, the unified law about record management was not established, so each government organization followed a conventional custom or performed independent improvement. It was through the other records administrative workshop of the Nationalist Government in 1933 when the new trend was appeared as the unified system improvement. They decided to unify the format of official records, to use marker and section, to unify the registration of receipt records and dispatch records and to strengthen the examination of records treatment. But, the method of records treatment was not unified yet, so the key point of records administrative reform was to establish a unified and standard record management system for preventing repetition by simplifying the treatment procedure and for intensive treatment by exclusive organizations. From the foundation of the Republic of China to 1930s, there was not big change in the field of archives administration, and archives management methods were prescribed differently even in the same section as well as same department. Therefore, the point at issue was to centralize scattered management systems that were performed in each section, to establish unified standard about filing and retention period allowance and to improve searching system through classification and proper number allowance. Especially, the problem was that each number system and classification system bring about different result due to dual operation of record registration and archives registration, and that strict management through mutual contrast, searching and application are impossible. Besides, various problems such as filing tools, arrangement method, preservation facilities & equipment, lending service and use method were raised also. In the process this study for the system improvement of records and archives management, they recognized that records and archives are the identical thing and reached to create a successive management method of records and archives called "Records and Archives Chain Management Method(文書檔案連鎖法)" as a potential alternative. Several principles that records and archives management should be performed unitedly in each organization by the general record recipient section and the general archives section under the principle of task centralization, a consistent classification system should be used by classification method decided in advance according to organizational constitution and work functions and an identical number system should be used in the process of record management stage and archive management stage by using a card-type register were established. Though, this "Records and Archives Chain Management Method" was developed to the stage of test application in several organizations, but it was not adopted as a regular system and discontinued. That was because the administrative reform of the Nationalist Government was discontinued by the outbreak of the Chinese-Japanese War. Even though the administrative reform in the middle of 1930s didn't produce practical results but merely an experimentation, it was verified that the reform against tradition and custom conducted by the Nationalist Government that aimed for the construction of a modern country was not only a field of politics, but on the other hand, the weak basis of the government operation became the obstacle to the realization of the political power of the revolutionary regime. Though the subject of records and archives administrative reform was postponed to the future, it should be understood that the consciousness of modern records and archives administration and overall studies began through this examination of administrative reform.

A Study on the Securing Political Neutrality of the Prosecution Service (검찰의 정치적 중립성 확보방안 연구)

  • Kim, Taek;Jung, In whan
    • The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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    • v.6 no.4
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    • pp.59-66
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    • 2020
  • This paper considered the measures of securing political neutrality of the prosecutor on the reform of the prosecution. The nation's prosecution has enormous authority. In the meantime, the prosecution enjoyed unlimited power uncontrolled with investigative rights, prosecution monopoly, and police investigation command. No other country has as much power as the Korean prosecution. However, the prosecution, which enjoys such power, is placed on the task of reforming the prosecution due to poor democratic control. Has there been such a prosecutor in Korean history who only looks forward and wields long sword ehrflqtjdrhk against corruption in power? So far, the prosecution has conducted investigations that suit the administration's taste, and the prosecutors have been on the rise in return. That is why the previous administrations tried to ensure the political neutrality of the prosecution. As such, We would like to consider legal logic to analyze the sincerity of the prosecution reform. To this end, the first is to consider the authority of prosecutors and prosecutors. Second, consider the internal requirements of the government's reform of the prosecution. Third, establish the direction of prosecution reform.

Reform Proposals for the Management Policy of Reported Fisheries Based on the Productivity of Intertidal-mudflat in Korea : Focused on the Analysis of the Current Situation of Handicraft Reported Fisheries around Seosan and Dangjin Counties (갯벌의 어장생산성 및 맨손신고어업의 합리적 관리방안 연구 : 서산 - 당진지역의 맨손신고어업 관리실태 분석을 기초로)

  • Kang, Yong-Joo;Ryu, Dong-Ki;Moon, Jeong-Gab
    • The Journal of Fisheries Business Administration
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    • v.37 no.3 s.72
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    • pp.25-44
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    • 2006
  • This paper tries to suggest reform proposals for the management policy of reported handicraft fisheries based on the intertidal - mudflat productivity. The paper started from the empirical analysis of the current situation of the handicraft fisheries around Seosan and Dangjin counties. The area of intertidal - mudflat around Seosan and Dangjin counties is approximately 855ha. The its ratio to the total areas in our country is 0.3%. By the way, the reported number of handicraft fisheries is 5,245, the ratio of which to the total number in our country is nearly 10.2%. The reason why there exists unbalance between the area of intertidal - mudflat and the reported number of handicraft fisheries is the political behavior of provincial governments. Therefore the paper tries to establish policy remedies focused on the confrontation against the opportunistic behaviors of provincial governments, such as the reform proposals for the Korea's fisheries act.

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