• Nuclear Engineering and Technology
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• v.53 no.1
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• pp.314-321
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• 2021

As Indonesia is rich in natural resources, nuclear power remains a low priority among energy alternatives. However, Indonesia needs to introduce nuclear power to improve the atmospheric environment and to support sustainable economic growth. This study conducted a two-stage survey of logit-probit and analytic hierarchy process to analyze the perception of Indonesian energy policymakers regarding the introduction of nuclear power, the potential for change, and key decision factors. The analysis confirms that the perception of nuclear power is positive and that the willingness to expand nuclear power can improve if negative conditions, such as underdeveloped technology level, foreign aid and assistance, and safety issues are addressed. In addition, it is confirmed that the policy makers consider political/social and environmental factors to be more important for decision-making. The results of this study can give inplications and be used as a key reference for Indonesia's nuclear power policy

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.1-56
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• 2009

It is generally acknowledged that Philippines politics has achieved a basic soil for democracy at the macro-level by the two incidents of 'People Power' (1986 & 2001). However, in spite of such an achievement, Philippine politics at the micro-level, does not enjoy the same reputation. Institutionalized 'Bossism' or 'patron/clientelism' political culture has been attributed to make such a gap. This paper aims to bridge the gap by a longitudinal observation on local politics of a particular province in the Philippines. Surigao del Norte is the province picked up for the study. The reason why this particular province attracts special concerns is that there appears to come a very dynamic local politics, led by an indigenous Christian organization, the PBMA (Philippines Benevolent Missionary Association), which was founded in the mid 1960s. With the coming of the organization in the province, the political power of the traditional families has been narrowed. On the other hand, new families, not only the leader family of the PBMA but also the family allied with the PBMA, has expanded political influence. Following steps are adopted to understand the meaning of such a change. First, institutional frame of Philippine politics and elections will be reviewed. Second, demographic changes will be investigated on Surigao del Norte province to find out how popular the PBMA organization is among the people. Third, local election outcomes will be examined to describe the changing nature of political landscape of the province. This will reveal how the relationship between the old and new families has been developed in the province. Lastly, based on the facts discovered by a longitudinal observation, an attempt to evaluate theories on Philippines politics will be made Conclusions are as follows. To understand the dynamics of Philippine politics, 'expectations from the below,' or, 'passions of the people,' suggested by Ileto, needs more attention. Furthermore, 'mutual accommodation' between domination and resistance, coined by Abinales, also demands more appreciation. The case of local politics in the Surigao del Norte, with the coming of the PBMA, is sure to show a concrete example of changing politics in the 'changeless land.'

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.61 no.7
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• pp.35-50
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• 2011

In this study, repression of the body is defined as a restriction on natural developments or movements and a modification either temporarily or permanently of the human body in shape, color, texture and odor. In addition, it involves physical and (or) mental pain. Chinese foot-binding and the Western corset are extreme examples of female body's being repressed in the history of fashion. The analysis of this type of repression will be based on historical research and theoretical concepts such as Darwin's (1809-1882) survival condition, Freud's (1856-1939) renunciation of desire, Weil's (1909-1943) privilege, and Foucault's (1926-1984) L'Usage des Plaisirs(the use of pleasure). Chinese foot-binding symbolically represents ideal beauty, the distinction of an ethnic group, and a desire for improved social status in the struggle for political power. It also represents psychology and a esthetics of eroticism and fetishism that originate from a man's desire and his individual taste. Symbolically, the Western corset represents abundance and fecundity, obedience and devotion to religion, the sanctity of God and ideal beauty as defined by political power. It also represents psychology and aesthetics of eroticism and fetishism as man's desire and a fashion icon. In conclusion, Chinese foot-binding was pursuit of power in male ideology but Western corset was a power struggle between God and mankind.

• Proceedings of the Costume Culture Conference
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• 2004.10a
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• pp.3-8
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• 2004

As human beings, it is in our power to take a correct turn, which would make the world safer, fair, ethical, inclusive and prosperous for the majority, not just for a few, within countries and between countries. It is also in our power to prevaricate, to ignore the road sings, and let the world we all share slide into further spirals of political turbulence, conflicts an wars. (World Commission on the Social Dimension of Globalization)

• Strategy21
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• s.34
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• pp.26-57
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• 2014

Revolution of Shale gas literally brings about great changes in many spheres. In the past most academic research had been focused on the influence and innovative change in term of economic perspective. But nowadays we should more concern about the security approach and perspective as its status of the future's core energy resources. Revolution of Shale gas has an great influence on the reshaping of global and regional alliance order. There are many international political implications as follows. Contribution of energy hegemony with leading U.S.; Acting as strategic leverage on the reshaping international order; Deepening competition among major states on the construction of energy security and so on. We'd better make a good solution and systematic policies which are preparing for the Shale gas's revolution period including on the understanding about the change on the global energy structure and making a national policy agenda of energy security issues and so on. The thesis like 'to get the energy resources is to get the hegemonic power in the world' will persist. The same holds good of Shale gas case. To meet the revolution of shale gas era, we have important tasks as like making an opportunity to develope not only regional but also international prosperity.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.20-43
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• 2017

While the Internet has been used to galvanise people for the collective good, many have voiced concerns over the noise and vitriol present online and polarisation. In Singapore where the government regulates traditional mainstream media such as print and broadcast, the online space has been described as a "Wild Wild West" rife with rumours, untruths and misinformation. Such developments do not only exert a potential negative effect on the deliberative nature of public discourse but also skew bias towards the online space, affecting the ability of online users to communicate with authority and power. This study seeks to examine the rationality of the cyberspace through using a new "rationality" framework to analyse political discourse online. Comprising objectivity, emotionality and partisanship, the rationality framework was applied to a content analysis of 197 blogs with political content in 2014. The analysis indicated that the online political space was not the Wild Wild West that it was touted to be with significant levels of objectivity and non-partisanship. There was a stark absence of emotional discourse, and relationships were observed between bloggers' anonymity and rationality. Cognisant of academia's and policymakers' interest on the quality and effects of online discourse, the proposed analytical framework and the study findings hold implications for both developed and developing countries.

• Journal of Information Science Theory and Practice
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• v.11 no.4
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• pp.1-13
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• 2023

Being one of the first and hardest hit countries by the coronavirus, Iran still continues to preserve its place among nations with the highest rates of infection and COVID-19 related deaths. While on the surface, such worrying status evinces the failure of the authorities in handling the crisis, at deeper levels, it points to the fundamentalist nature of the government and political system of the country. In this view, the current devastating condition in Iran is a clear indication of the all-out influence of the Islamic regime's ideologies on officials' decision-making and their political agendas throughout the pandemic. Accordingly, the staterun mainstream media, as the most preeminent institution of power, have been incessantly engaged in disseminating a series of ideology-laden information around the issues concerning the coronavirus, and in line with the developing political discourses during pandemic. Far from being based on factual accounts or scientific facts, these disseminated messages inevitably grew into a source of disinformation, ultimately resulting in overall public confusion and skepticism. Through examining the data gathered from some of the most prominent online news agencies run by the government, this study identifies five major discursive trends through which the mainstream media propagated ambiguous and manipulative information about COVID-19. These findings are then explained in the light of media system dependency theory, leading to the argument that within autocratic nation-states, public reliance on media during a national/global crisis brings about new opportunities for state exploitation, and further distressing consequences for the people.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.102-121
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• 2021

Financial geography is an evolving subdiscipline in economic geography. This paper identifies and reviews three important 'waves' constitutive of the current state of financial geography: including the 'first' wave before 1990s when finance was regarded as a byproduct of the over-accumulation process in production sphere in the Marxist geographical political economy tradition; the 'second' wave in the mid-1990s during which financial geography was firmly established as a subdiscipline, influenced by the cultural turn and poststructuralist thoughts; and the most recent 'third' wave after the 2008~2009 global financial crisis that urged financial geographers to take power and politics more seriously and 're-politicize' with the analytical ideas of governmentality and financial subjectification from a neo-Foucauldian perspective. These waves have helped financial geography become a practice-oriented academic discourse, in which different philosophical thoughts, foci of analytical level and object, renditions of the subject, perceptions of power and politics, and geographies of finance and financialization coexist and also compete and contest one another.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.49
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• pp.249-274
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• 2017

The indigenous movement in Ecuador, which has been one of the most successful social movements since the 1980s, has been declining since the 2000s. The rapid disintegration and weakening of the indigenous movement with the emergence of the Correa regime is closely related to the geopolitical realities of Ecuador. This study examines the Pachakutik, an independent political organization, as the reason behind the movement's weakened political power and crisis that was experienced under the Correa regime since the 2000s. Until the early 2000s, the indigenous movement exercised considerable political power through CONAIE. CONAIE formed the Pachakutik, in order to resolve their issues politically through elections. Despite the successes of the 1990s, the electoral strategy since the 2000s led to eventual fragmentation and decline of the indigenous movement. Therefore, the impact of Pachakutik on the growth and decline of the indigenous movement has important implications for the future. The need for expansion through intercultural discourses and strategies rather than electoral strategies cannot be overstated. In other words, new approaches are needed to sustain the indigenous movement.

• Acta Via Serica
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.37-60
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• 2021

Before the tenth century, the dress of elite women in and around China often reflected "Han" Chinese fashions and preferences. In funerary paintings and relief sculptures of Sogdian and Xianbei couples from the sixth century, for example, women wear "Han" Chinese-style clothing. Even in the Tang dynasty (ca. 618-907), when exchange with Central Asia via overland Silk Road trade impacted the styles and patterning of elite dress and men incorporated clear Central Asian attributes into their dress, elite women in the Tang sphere wore recognizably Tang fashions. Chinese-style dress in these centuries clearly conveyed cultural import and, likely, political power, especially after the founding of the Tang dynasty. However, the straightforward borrowing of Tang women's dress shifted in the Khitan Liao dynasty (ca. 907-1125). The Liao, in contrast to other states that shared a border with China in previous centuries, saw themselves as political equals to the Song dynasty (ca. 960-1278) court in the south. The Liao court was interested in Song customs and culture and incorporated artistic motifs and practices from the Song court. However, the Liao courtly idiom was never fully subsumed into the greater world of the Song - rather, the Liao used facets of Song courtly culture for their own ends. One way this is manifested is through the dual administrative system, a bureaucratic organization that, among other things, regulated and distinguished between who was permitted to wear Khitan and non-Khitan dress. In this paper, I will examine the material evidence from funerary contexts for how the dress of elite Liao women both engaged with the dress of the Song, while also maintaining a certain amount of cultural autonomy. Through their dress, elite Liao women signaled clear messages about their status, identity, and difference to their Song counterparts.