• 한국원자력학회:학술대회논문집
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• 한국원자력학회 1999년도 추계학술발표회요약집
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• pp.393.1-393
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• 1999

• 한국기록관리학회지
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• 제9권2호
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• pp.41-58
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• 2009

역사적으로 권력과 기록물의 관계는 불가분의 관계이다. 기록물은 권력행위의 기록된 흔적이며 권력의 의지는 기록물의 존재에 상당한 영향을 미친다. 민주주의 사회에서 권력은 자신의 행위를 증거하는 기록물을 통해 국민에게 봉사하며 동시에 자신의 투명성을 증명한다. 하지만 그 반대의 경우 권력은 국민을 탄압하고 불행으로 이끈다. 이처럼 기록물은 민주주의의 핵심인 권력의 균형을 위해서도 매우 중요한 역할을 수행한다. 기록물의 상징성과 역할을 고려할 때, 이들에 대한 합리적이고 올바른 관리는 궁극적으로 국민의 권리보호에 직결된다.

• 한국언론정보학보
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• 제80권
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• pp.7-39
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• 2016

자본주의 생산방식은 상품경제, 이윤 극대화, 독점을 특징으로 하기 때문에, 재벌과 같은 괴물을 낳고 그 반대편에는 중소자본, 영세사업자가 대립하는 양극화 사회를 만든다. 이 때문에 불평등은 통제 불능상태에 빠진다. 그런데도 정부나 국회는 불평등 문제를 그다지 심각하게 생각하지 않는 것 같다. 여기서 의문이 생긴다. 누군가 불평등을 정당화함으로써 시민들의 비판과 저항을 차단하는 것이 아닐까? 그래서 필자는 불평등과 미디어의 관계를 파악해보고자 하였다. 필자는 경제적 국가적 이념적 불평등이 사회 성격을 좌우하며, 이것들이 미디어 불평등의 근원임을 설명하였다. 미디어 정치경제학을 분석 도구로 삼아 자본주의 불평등은 미디어와 정보의 불평등을 초래하며, 미디어는 불평등을 재생산함으로써 자본주의를 정당화한다.

• 경영과학
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• 제13권3호
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• pp.23-35
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• 1996

This article describes an alternative approach for determining Korea's optimal power generation mix through an Analytic Hierarchy Process(AHP). Five criteria, strategic, economic, technological, environmental, and socio-political criterion, are considered simultaneously, as opposed to the traditional emphasis on economic criterion only. The electric power sources examined here included nuclear power, coal-fired power, and LNG fired power.

• 수산경영론집
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• 제31권1호
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• pp.1-12
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• 2000

The experience of many countries strongly suggests that bad governments and institutions have been a serious, if not the most serious, obstacle to economic growth and industry-structural adjustments. All public sectors pursue a mix of both predatory and productive activities-bad governments emphasizing the former, while good governments finding a way of promoting the later. In fishery public policy studies, much confusion exists about the roles of policy illustration and prescription. In general fishery public sectors involve collective actions by numerous individuals under conditions of uncertainty, complexity, bounded rationality, and imperfect information structure. All collective fisheries action organizations consist of a center(e.g., government), which leads fishery group actions, and peripheral participants(e.g., fishermen), which are controlled by the government. A paradigm is developed that gives both theoretical and empirical meaning to the constitutional determination of fisheries political preference function or fishery public sector governance structures. Three relevant spaces are specified: policy instrument, results, and constitutional. The collective-choice rules of the constitutional space structure the tradeoff between public and special fishery interest groups. Fishery public sectors seeking sustainable reductions in wasteful rent-seeking fishing activities should select constitutional principles and institutional structures that tend to promote resource sustainability. In particular, the effects of internal and external events on fisheries may result in a greater or lesser concentration of interest group power. Thus, the structure of the fishereis political power must be assessed in any prescriptive evaluation of alternative fishery governance weights.

• 인터넷정보학회지
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• 제14권3호
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• pp.35-51
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• 2013

The Digital Cold War argument has become one of the heatedly discussed foreign policy agendas in the U.S. Considering the authority and power of the U.S. government and Internet companies in the cyberspace, this shift is not negligible in understanding not only the changes in the U.S. foreign and military policies but also that in the operations of the global Internet governance. Given these circumstances, I seek to explain the origins of and test the theoretical validity of the Digital Cold War argument. In particular, I analyze how the political concerns of the Chinese authorities shaped the characteristics of their control of the domestic Internet and their approach to the global Internet governance. The findings indicate that the Chinese way of the Internet governance is more concerned of their domestic political stability than overthrowing the current Internet governance regime, which many supporters of the Digital Cold War argument cited as the key evidence of such political contentions. Though the Digital Cold War argument is theoretically unwarranted, its growing popularity and the historical lessons of the Cold War have broad implications to the understanding of the impacts of the great power rivalries on the future Internet governance.

• 대순사상논총
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• 제23권
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• pp.153-192
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• 2014

This article's purpose is to overcome the inadequacy of deliberative democracy for communication on the basis of Haewonsangsaeng. The inadequacy of deliberative democracy for communication is presented as the following two. First, as deliberative democracy treats civic virtue as instrumental thing, deliberative democracy is still in moral solipsism. Second, as deliberative democracy doesn't consider 'the inequality of power' among diverse political positions, the project of deliberative democracy for communication ends up in the exposure of the inequality of power among diverse political positions. Sangsaeng in Haewonsangsaeng concerned with inter-relationship over individualism treats civic virtue as original motility. In this context, Sangsaeng in Haewonsangsaeng is the alternative notion to overcome the first inadequacy of deliberative democracy for communication. Haewon in Haewonsangsaengas is the condition for Sangsaeng. and Haewon's method is to exclude or to eliminate the structural frame of Sanggeuk meaning mutual conflict and antagonism. This article presents two structural frame of Sanggeuk. First, First structural obstacle as internal obstacle is suggested through analyzing pluralism on the basis of existential philosophy. The result of the analysis is the 'antagonism' between the hegemonical value and the peripheral value. Second structural obstacle as external obstacle is the extinction of public sphere caused by the growth of market and the expansion of bureaucracy.

• 동남아시아연구
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• 제27권2호
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• pp.245-271
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• 2017

이 글의 목적은 2016년 한 해 동안 태국의 정치 경제 외교 분야의 주요 특징과 변화를 살펴보고 평가하는 것이다. 구체적으로 2016년 가결된 새 헌법에 대해 살펴보고, 새 헌법을 둘러싼 정치 세력간 대립과 군사정권의 동향, 새 국왕의 즉위에 따른 정치적 불안정성을 검토했다. 그리고 군사정권 하의 태국 경제와 대외관계의 변화, 한국과의 관계를 파악하고, 푸미폰 국왕의 서거가 정치 경제적으로 미치는 영향과 향후 전망을 제시하고자 했다. 2016년 태국정치는 민정이양이 한걸음 진전됨과 동시에 권위주의적 체제를 위한 발판이 마련된 한 해였다. 민주적이라고 할 수 없는 새 헌법 초안이 국민투표를 통과하면서, 총선 후에도 군부의 지속적인 정치 개입이 가능하게 되었다. 특히 이번 새 헌법은 단순히 탁씬파 정당의 견제에 머물지 않고, 정당정치 권력 자체를 축소시키면서 군부와 정당과의 지속적인 갈등이 예상되고 있다. 이러한 상황 속에서 정치적 안정에 결정적 역할을 해왔던 푸미폰 국왕의 부재와 새 국왕의 즉위는 정치불안을 가속화 시킬 우려를 낳고 있다. 쿠데타 후 지속되고 있는 정정불안은 대외관계에도 영향을 미쳤다. 태국은 현 군사정권을 인정하지 않는 미국과 EU를 비롯한 서방국가와는 거리를 두고, 대신 중국과 급속도로 긴밀한 우호관계를 유지하고 있다. 한편 2016년 태국경제는 큰 폭으로 성장하기 보다는 점진적인 회복세를 보였다. 푸미폰 국왕의 서거가 경제에 미치는 직접적인 영향은 개인 소비와 관광 등에 한정적으로 나타나고 있으며, 경제 침체를 가져오지는 않을 것으로 보인다. 그러나 민정이양을 위한 총선을 앞두고 정치적 대립이 격화되면 경제 위기를 피할 수 없을 것이다.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제17권1호
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• pp.130-151
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• 2018

China's cultural diplomacy is mostly understood as an endeavour to build and project soft power, which draws on three sources of 'culture, political values and foreign policy' according to Nye. This paper focuses on the debates about the vehicle and agents of China's cultural diplomacy. It starts with a theoretical discussion of the competing views in the Chinese context, and develops an argument that the vehicle of China's cultural diplomacy tries to project soft power on two wheels of culture and political values, to serve the purpose of reshaping China's image away from being the 'cultural other' and 'ideological other' respectively. However, the state-led approach to driving this vehicle is generating some side effects with its sponsorship, censorship and presence in the driver's seat. Then the paper analyses the inherent tensions existing in practice both between the two sources of building soft power and between the two means of doing so, attraction and persuasion, with empirical evidence through a comparative case study of the Confucius Institutes in the US and South Korea. The finding shows that China's attempt at reshaping its image as an Eastern cultural contestant is often disrupted by its authoritarian political values, and the state-led persuasion is often reducing China's cultural attraction. Following this, the paper finishes with some recommendations regarding evolving the cultural diplomacy approach from a vertical one that is government-centred to a horizontal one that is network-based with multiple agents, and localising its practice by engaging the target audiences as stakeholders.

• 대한전기학회:학술대회논문집
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• 대한전기학회 1992년도 하계학술대회 논문집 A
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• pp.122-125
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• 1992

Political situations of Korean Peninsula has been changing dramatically in recent years. Interconnected power system operation between South and North Korea should be taken into considerations. This paper discusses several expected operational problems in interconnected systems through literature study. Typical references in automatic generation control area are listed and recommended to read through.