• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.902-913
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• 2014

This paper deals with the novel concept of neo-endogenous rural development which has been applied to explain the contemporary features of the European rural development. The notion of neo-endogenous rural development has been emerged in Europe because the pervious dichotomous concepts of exogenous and endogenous development are no longer useful for explaining the relationship between the local actors and the central or regional administrative organisations. The concept argues that the changing situation of rural regions at the initial stages of endogenous development could only be identified by the concept of neo-endogenous perspectives. Therefore, it tries to apply the concept for the Korean rural development policy which is called Regional Agricultural Cluster scheme. Explaining the development processes and the problems of the farmers group which carried out the project in a local level, this paper argues that the severe conflict between the farmers group and the City Office may be a typical incident of the neo-endogenous development. It expresses the power relations between the local groups and the political managing authority. With the case of the Prundle, it concludes that the neo-endogenous development is the essential stage for all the endogenous development to go through as an transitional one.

• Proceedings of the Korea Water Resources Association Conference
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• 2012.05a
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• pp.37-37
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• 2012

The study aims to evaluate the complexity of relationships between the riparian states - China, Myanmar, Laos, Thailand, Vietnam and Cambodia - in the Mekong River Basin since the mid-1990s with special reference to the discourse on hydropower development. A special emphasis will be put on the influence of China on hydropower development. Although a variety of issues on the river basin have been discussed among the riparian states, none of them has been effectively implemented owing to the lack of China's commitment to the discussions for sustainable water management. Now, a new turning point is observed in the region with emergence of the issue on hydropower development, not only in the upper basin but also in the lower basin. The discourse on hydropower in Mekong has quickly drawn attention of the public, accelerated by the onset of construction of the Xayabury Dam in Laos since November 2010. The influence of China as the upstream country with its political, economic, and military power has increasingly grown in the region over the last few decades, and such trend recently intensifies together with an expansion of Chinese commercial interests in the region. Since the establishment of the Mekong River Commission (MRC) in 1995, the four MRC members have striven to push forward a sustainable use of water resources in the basin. But the legitimacy of the MRC system has been eroded due to the lack of participation by Myanmar and China, and in particular, the Chinese absence has made the four riparian states blind about the change of water regime due to the Chinese dams upstream. Environmental damages due to hydropower development might be possible, including a drop of fish yields, crop production, and damages to the river's ecosystems. Vietnam and Cambodia have already expressed their concerns over the dam construction towards China as well as Laos by pointing out detrimental impacts of the dams to their economies. China's move to collaborate with the other riparian states since 2010 has given a positive signal in terms of sustainable water management in the river. However, this phenomenon never confirms China's proactive contribution to the cooperative activities within the framework of the MRC system. Laos' initiative to build a new dam in the lower basin alarms those who are opposed to dam construction in the fear of its far-reaching damages to the environment. The question goes back to the year-long debate on policy priorities given to economic growth or the environment. The riparian states require wisdom based on a consensus about sustainable water use rather than hydropower development based on individual growth dreams.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.26
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• pp.123-144
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• 2012

In the modern society in which globalization and localization proceed simultaneously, diversified and rapid migration of diaspora makes a new from of boundary off the frame of the state and the nation. This new border accompanies cultural change and racial mixture; retains ethnic conflict, the gap between rich and poor, alienation and discrimination, as well as power conflict; and extends its influence. Nowadays, the countries all over the world including Korea face problem of Diaspora in numerous forms. And each country takes an approach to the problem of the diaspora in the aspects of their society, culture and political technology. This implies that most countries, without understanding the new form of border which is alive and dynamic, define and conceptualize the diaspora in the frame of one state and one nation to carry forward the policies accordingly, resulting in inequal, incomplete and awkward homogenization. This study aimed to explore the identity of the diaspora, the core for the problem solving. Of course, studies about the identity of the diaspora have been continued until today and many great outcomes have been achieved. Nevertheless, this study aimed to explore the identity of the diaspora and the national policies which have a close interrelationship with it. It is because the study ultimately aimed to highlight the interrelationship between the destination countries, Russia and China, and the diaspora, through the definition and the classification of Russian diaspora and Chinese diaspora and the analysis of the national policies about that. However, the intention was not to distinguish superiority through the comparison of the polices about the diaspora between two countries, but to focus on the diversity of the identity of the diaspora through defining each different diaspora and paralleling the policies. Second, the reason for looking into the diaspora policies of these two countries is because it is judged the changes in the diaspora policies of each country is one of the active factors for the changes in the identify of the diaspora of each country and it is the basic research for the study on the identity of the diaspora. New migration of diaspora changes the identity of the state, and the state makes the policies and enforce the policies, resulting in the influence on the diaspora. This interaction acts as the growth factor for the new boundary. The causes of Russian diaspora and Chinese diaspora show apparent 'differences'. In parallel with this, the policies about the diaspora in Russia and China arouse 'differences' to the diaspora. The variation of the identity of the diaspora made by these differences will suggest other viewpoints on the diaspora, and these viewpoints will become the foundation for solving the problem of the diaspora in the present times.

• The Journal of Natural Sciences
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• v.11 no.1
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• pp.119-130
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• 1999

As Japanese economy has been well developed, the manpower problem of farmland has also become one of the largest and the most crucial issues in the overall agricultural policy of the Japanese Government. Particularly, the energetic younger generation and a core of agricultural labor force, has drastically decreased, while the weak older generation has increased. The severity of manpower shortage in agricultural sector led to create a farmer training programs which had been vigorously begun by the Yamagata Prefecture, and a center for promoting local autonomy. The major purpose of education for enhancement of status of future farmers as well as the welfare of core farmhousehold is to provide them with technical of vocational education to give training to those who want to become agricultural technicians, rural leaders of practical farmers Educational program for future and young farmers put emphasis on practical trainings which are directly applied to proper farm management. As a supporting policy for promoting future farmers' activities, Prefecture-level supports were strengthened to develop technical capability, managerial and supervisory ability, and the ability to lead organized activity so that the farm youth may operate modern farms with higher efficiency and greater specialization. Political consideration was also made to develop a rich sense of farm management as well as the adaptability necessary to introduce technical and managerial innovations. Methological measurements on how the Korean government has to do for solving the problem of agricultural manpower facing in farmland in Korea were noted.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.51
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• pp.161-191
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• 2018

In the beginning of the 20th century, post-colonialism has directly raised questions about western-centered universalism. One of its main achievements is that the political liberation of a colonial society does not guarantee the social, economic and cultural liberation of a society. Therefore, the discourse of liberation in the Western society, in particular, Marxism, nationalism, feminism and postmodernism, cannot be directly applied to the non-Western society. As a result, Western and non-Western societies are unfortunately dreaming of different futures and liberation; therefore, a'geopolitical dialogue' is needed between them. However, the theorists' efforts for postcolonial liberation failed to distinguish themselves from the western-centric traditions. It is also true that they have, in conjunction with these traditions, established their own power. As we know, many of the postcolonial criticisms somehow had relations with the West. This study will re-read the postcolonial thought of $Aim{\acute{e}}$ $C{\acute{e}}saire$, the father of the so-called $N{\acute{e}}gritude$, as a 'non-western resistance discourse'. Through this process, we have a chance to reflect on $C{\acute{e}}saire$ and his postcolonial thoughts.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.42
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• pp.285-311
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• 2016

This paper examines the constitutive relationship between realism and magical realism using a genealogical approach. Georg $Luk{\acute{a}}cs^{\prime}s$ The Theory of Novel and Gabriel García $M{\acute{a}}rquez^{\prime}s$ One Hundred Years of Solitude, as two founding texts of each genealogy, meet each other obliquely, sharing the most essential features. Even if realism and magical realism appear in opposition to each other in their political, cultural, epistemological outlooks, they in fact constitute the same truth regime in two different guises. Karen Tei Yamashita's Tropic of Orange interrogates this discursive regime of magical/realism, refusing to be contained within it. Her novel de-emphasizes the current idea of solidarity based on identity politics because it cannot resist effectively against the all-reifying power of globalization. Instead, she abandons the idea of imagination itself, and thus, tries to cease the dominant operative of magical/realism. On the temporary vacuum caused from such a conscious act of abandoning imagination, Tropic of Orange posits the urgent need to rethink 'solitude' and 'community', which already have been hopelessly compromised in the history of literary imagination as a global governmentality.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.2
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• pp.268-291
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• 2019

In this paper, the features and meanings of the Yocoanabo (cave tombs) excavated in the Gongju and Buyeo regions were examined. The creation of the Yocoanabo in the Korean Peninsula was related to the situation in which the powers of the Northern Kyushu (九州) and Yeongsangang (榮山江) River Basin played certain roles and maintained power in the interactions of Wa and Baekje in the late 5th century until the early 6th century. The people buried in the Yocoanabo in the Gongju and Buyeo regions are most closely related to the Buzen (豊前) area in northern Kyushu. They also interacted with the Yeongsangang River Basin communities. The Yocoanabo in Gongju and Buyeo confirms the settlement of the Wa people. There were collective settlements such as the Danjiri (丹芝里) site on the outskirts of Woongjin (熊津). However, most of them were mixed with small local groups located on the main roads connecting Woongjin and Sabi (泗?) through the Geum River and land routes. Unlike the keyhole-shaped tombs of the Youngsangang River Basin, the Yocoanabo was not built until the 7th century. This explains differences in the backgrounds of the two types of graves. The people buried in the Yocoanabo are considered to have settled in the Baekje Kingdom and to have been responsible for practical work in the political and economic negotiations between Baekje and Wa. They came to the Baekje Kingdom collectively in connection with certain historical events. However, it had been presumed that most of the people came individually and dispersed to the local communities of Gonju and Buyeo.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.39
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• pp.191-217
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• 2006

The chief mourners do their best to carry the dead and various things related to him in the departure of a funeral procession. "Sejongsillok" and "Gukjooryeui" had already written the national funeral supplies for carriage in detail in the early of Joseon period. But they were the standard book of national ceremony. The Ilbang of Gukjangdogam made the national funeral supplies for carriage in the late of Joseon; Daeyeo, Gyeonyeo, Yoyeo, Chaeyeo, Gaja etc. "Gukjangdogamuigye" explained these in detail; size, materials, made-place etc. I used "Gukjangdogamuigye" published in the late of Joseon to explain the national funeral supplies for carriage. Because Kingdom's ceremony in Joseon was representative to the country, it couldn't depend on an individual taste. King was the symbol of a nation and the star tin point of the political power at that time. So its ceremony was to show people the representative example as a national ceremony. The national funeral supplies for carriage carried the dead of King and various things related to him. Gukjangdogam managed them carefully. People thought that the mean of these things was equal to King's authority at that time. So these weren't the mere national funeral supplies for carriage, the symbolic instruments equal to King.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.18 no.3
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• pp.105-112
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• 2018

South Korea and Vietnam have been engaged in extensive political, economic and cultural exchanges since the establishment of diplomaticties in 1992. In March 2018, Moon Jae-in, President of South Korea, made an official visit to Vietnam, a key partner of the New Southern Policy and discussed comprehensive cooperation measures, including expanding trade volume and measures to establish peace on the Korean Peninsula. At the defense ministers' meeting held in April 2018, the two countries signed a joint defense and defense cooperation statement, which included promotion of maritime security, defense cooperation, UN PKO activities, excavation of remains, and joint military cooperation. Currently, Vietnam is facing territorial disputes with China over the South China Sea, and is stepping up military modernization and military buildup to counter this. In particular, Vietnam is strengthening its external military cooperation beyond ideology with the U.S., Russia, India and France to strengthen its maritime power. Against this backdrop, the bilateral cooperation between South Korea and Vietnam needs to expand beyond the traditional economic and cultural exchanges to military cooperation. The study aims to review the relationship between South Korea and Vietnam on the 26th anniversary of the normalization of diplomaticties and seek ways to develop military cooperation with Vietnam, which has grown to the next China. To that end, it analyzed Vietnam's security environment and military strategy and presented strategies for promoting military cooperation focusing on defense areas.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.197-221
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• 2018

The Cambodian People's Party swept all 125 assembly seats with 76.78% of the vote in 2018 general elections. The Cambodian National Rescue Party, having been dissolved by court, was excluded from the election and attempted to nullify the legitimacy of the election by demanding its supporters to boycott the election. The Cambodian People's Party launched a campaign encouraging to vote in a desperate need to thwart the boycott movement. The election then became an unprecedented kind of competition the winner of which is decided not by the percentage of the vote but by turnout. The Cambodian People's Party was the winner with the high turnout of 82.89%, securing the means to defend the legitimacy of the election. The potential supporters of the Cambodian National Rescue Party spread out with about a million voters switching to support the Cambodian People's Party. Over a half million invalid votes that unequivocally voiced opposition to the Cambodian People's Party were not sufficient to deny the legitimacy of the election. Having experienced the fierce competition in the 2013 general elections that threatened to end its rule, the Cambodian People's Party decided to secure its power in the upcoming election and executed a tactic designed to remove the rival party through legal means. Competition being removed, the Cambodian political system decayed back to hegemonic electoral authoritarianism from competitive electoral authoritarianism to which it had mad gradual progress through the general elections in the past.