• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.13-18
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• 2003

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.22 no.5
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• pp.350-366
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• 2022

The objective of this study is to empirically verify the relationship between the image of politicians, political belief agreement, and voting intention recognized through YouTube content, centering on the 4·7 Seoul Mayor's Election. A survey was conducted on voters in their 20s or older living in Seoul, and the following main results were derived. First, among the factors of politician image, morality, leadership, and administrative power were found to have a significant positive effect on political belief agreement. Second, it was found that the consensus of political beliefs with politicians had a significant positive effect on voters' voting intentions. Third, it was found that among the factors of politician image, political ability and communication ability had a directly significant positive effect on voting intention. Fourth, it was found that politicians' morality, leadership, and administrative power all had a significant effect on voters' voting intentions through political consensus. The significance of this study is that this study identified the factors of politician image on political belief agreement and voter voting intention by applying the relationship between politician image, political belief agreement, and voter voting intention to YouTube content.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.44 no.1
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• pp.1-47
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• 2022

This paper introduces a politico-economic model with a welfare state and immigration. In this model, policies on taxes and immigration are determined through a plurality voting system. While many studies of fiscal implications of immigration argue that relaxing immigration policies can substitute for tax reforms in an aging economy, I show that the democratic voting procedure can dampen the effect of relaxing immigration policies as desired policy reforms are not always implemented by the winner of an election. This political economy results in three types of social welfare losses. First, the skill composition is not balanced at a socially efficient level because workers are motivated to maximize their wages. Second, older retirees implement excessive taxes to maximize the size of the welfare state. Third, the volume of immigration is lower than the optimal level given the incentive by young workers to regain political power in the future.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.129-148
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• 2017

The political system of Xi Jinping which was launched in 2013, faced many difficulties both domestically and internationally. Xi Jinping must integrate and stabilize society through political reforms, such as sustained economic growth and Resolved corruption. In addition, he should seek new relations with the United States on the denuclearization of the Korean peninsula. Therefore, this study analyzed political leadership of Chinese political leaders including Xi Jinping using Max Weber 's political domination type. From the first generation political leaders to the fourth generation political leaders in China, the types of political domination of the first and second generation political leaders tend to be charismatic rather than legitimate domination. But the third generation political leaders tend to have a tendency of traditional domination rather than legitimate domination, and the fourth generation political leaders have a tendency to dominate more than traditional domination. On the other hand, the type of political domination of Xi Jinping shows traditional domination and legitimate domination tendency in the process of political growth and emergence, but shows tendency of charismatic domination after domination of political power.

• Journal of Korea Port Economic Association
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• v.25 no.3
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• pp.283-302
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• 2009

This study analyses the current status of trade in Korean fisheries and competitive power in export to China in the era of actual open-door policy, aiming to figure out problems in distribution Structure of fisheries and suggest directions for further development in this area. Political efforts have been consistently made to change distribution system of our fisheries into low-cost and high-efficiency system, but continuous contradictions occur in actual distribution. In this reality, we need a new perspective to reorganize distribution markets according to real conditions. To improve distribution Structures for fisheries, political focus should be given on reorganization of the entire structure. And to develop political directions for fisheries, we should evaluate its competitive powers and based on the results, we should develop efficient measures to use limited political resources.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.5 no.2 s.10
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• pp.69-95
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• 2005

Eunsa Memorial Science Museum is a political space to justify ruling colony. Japanese imperialism made use of science museum in ruling colony under the cloak of propagating science thoughts. The science museums made it natural to rule the inferior Joseon(Korea) by bring the concept of 'Great Science Empire' into relief. The exhibition, lecture, experiment and science movies propagated those colonial ruling ideology. This transplantation of the colonial science museumraised the following problems. First, the science museum was used as means for the propagation of political power. All the aspects of the architecture, exhibition, and operation of the colonial science museum propagated and supported the direction of political authority, and furthermore planted a rosy phantasm of 'Development' and 'Progression' into the colony. Second, The science technology of science museum was treated as 'Result' and 'Instrument'. Japanese imperialism denied that the science is a historical and cultural staple product; it instilled only the 'Instrumental Rationality' in the colony. Third, the science technology dealt in the colonial science museum was below the level. What they educated and set forth as domestic science was to cultivate the laborers people for the political power by internalizing modernistic discipline.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.31-66
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• 2018

The purpose of this study is to analyze the institutional factors and the political environment in which the influence of the president is limited in South Korea's decision making process of the policy toward North Korea. Although the president has the highest decision-making power over policy toward North Korea as a head of state, the president's influence is not always absolute. Many reasons, such as bureaucratic government through the separation of power, the political environment such as divided government or the remaining term of the president,and the specificity of policy act as factors limiting the president's influence on policy toward North Korea. This study analyzed the dynamics of the decision making process of the 'Special Zone for Peace and Cooperation in the West Sea' which was planned by the agreement between the two Koreas in 2007, and examined the influence of the president, limited by the institutional environment and political conditions in the process.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.16 no.1
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• pp.81-101
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• 2024

This paper examines the complexities and creative opportunities brought about by the transnational circulation of texts specifically in the areas of transmission, consumption, and adaptation. The circulation of texts and along with it creative elements such as generic forms, tropes, and frameworks for consumption form an integral part in the production and advancement of any form of popular culture. In the process of such circulation, adaptation becomes a form of social and political process necessary for domestic palatability. In this paper, I examine how these complexities can be illustrated in the circulation of one emerging popular form in East and Southeast Asia: Boys Love (BL) television and web series. Using the transnational movement of the BL genre from South Korea, Thailand, and the Philippines, I examine how the circulation and adaptations are inflected by considerations related to regional geopolitics and domestic issues concerned with the creative praxis of representing gender and sexuality.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.81
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• pp.122-152
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• 2017

The media movement is a movement to separate from the political power and to dismantle the media power and to seek the control of citizens' media. Political power is the biggest factor that violates the fairness and independence of the media in the public domain. On the other hand, the factor that interferes with the healthy and responsible media of the press in the private sector is the media power originating from the owner. Citizens 'media campaign emphasizes citizens' mobility as a subject that monitors the political power and media power that have the sovereignty of the media belonging to the citizen and may infringe on this sovereignty.In the Lee Myung Bak - Park Geun Hye regime, the civil press movement was a period of resistance and struggle. Citizen media campaigns have completely collapsed with governance. As a result, the intellectuals who have expertise in the media have lost their place in the discussion and presentation of the policy alternatives in which the policy production is centered. The influence of citizen media organizations, which are centered on activists rather than citizen's direct action, is limited. In order to strengthen the power of the media reform, it is necessary to reconstruct social forces such as civil society, media unions, media organizations and political forces. We should also look for various ways in which citizens can participate actively in the agenda and activities of the movement. In addition, it is necessary to expand the movement of the media.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.243-270
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• 2017

The purposes of this paper are twofold: First, to discuss ways and limits of studying politics scientifically; second, to examine group theories to the study of political science. To answer the first question, I examine philosophy of science, methods of scientific research, and limits of scientific study of politics. As a subject matter itself, political science involves the study of human beings and the discovery of explanations for the political behavior that they exhibit. This discovery of regularities of behavior in politics inevitably requires that human beings act consistently or discoverable manner. I argue that the best way of studying politics as much as possible is to combine traditional and scientific approaches depending upon issues, The second section of this paper will examine one of important middle-range theory of politics; group theories (approaches). Examining this will show strength and limits of studying politics scientifically. The group approaches examine the importance of role that people hold in the political system as well as the relationship between the action of collective group and its impact on the political behavior. Overall, the group approaches tend to deal with individuals in specific societal contexts and with varying distributions of power between the actors. This group approaches are premised on the belief that political activity involves more than just one individual, political activity occurs instead through individual actors in particular settings. I argued that group theories have some explanatory power and descriptive richness, though it has limitations.