• 수완나부미
• /
• 제3권1호
• /
• pp.25-46
• /
• 2011

The state-sangha relations in the countries of Theravada Buddhism has often been described as a mutually dependent patron-client relation in which the state and the sangha support each other by performing their due roles. Yet this theory involves a normative dimension that prescribes such a relation as the ideal in the Buddhist world. The explanatory power of this theory hence is hampered in a country where the ideal is not fully realized. In the wake of tumultuous political upheaval where political rivals vie for the state the ideal as well as the theory are put into a trial. The tragic history of modern Cambodia is a history of ceaseless conflict in which multiple contenders for the state had to define their relations with the sangha. The relations defined turned out less mutual than supposed. The state-sangha relations were rather unilaterally dependent. More often than not the sangha was subject to state control with no power to confront the state or coopted only to become a tool for political propaganda and manipulation. The sangha always played the role of client, waiting for the state to define the relation and to be benevolent. Even when the monks were forced to disrobe and when the sangha itself was annihilated, all they did was to wait for another patron state that would put the sangha back in place. The state-sangha relations the Cambodian history reveals were not close to one in which the two parties benefit each other on an equal basis. It was a patron-client relationship in which the client sangha had to be heavily dependent on the patron state. Such a unilaterally dependent relationship is the one that has prevailed in Cambodia.

• 한국언론정보학보
• /
• 제47권
• /
• pp.50-73
• /
• 2009

전통적으로 한국 언론사 논의는 언론을 수동적 존재로 파악하는 태도를 견지해왔다. 특히 해방 전후 언론 연구에서 그런 경향은 더욱 짙다. 언론을 수동적으로 대한다 함은 언론을 수단 혹은 도구로 보는 태도를 말한다. 언론사 논의는 그 같은 경향 내에서 언론을 민족 해방, 민족국가수립에 기여했는지 혹은 아닌지로 분류하고 평가하려 했다. 민족언론, 친일언론 등과 같은 친근한 구분법은 그로부터 나왔다. 최근 들어 그 같은 경향을 벗어난 연구들이 등장하고는 있다. 그러나 대체적으로 그 같은 민족주의적 시각으로부터 자유스럽지 않다. 덕택에 언론의 독자적문화, 민중들의 언론 습관, 일상 속의 언론 논의는 소홀히 다루어졌다. 이 글은 민족주의적 관점으로 언론현상을 논의할 경우 해방당시를 섬세하게 설명할 방도가 없어진다는 점에 주목하고 있다. 민족주의적 관점을 넘어선 국면 분석을 통해 새로운 언론사 분석의 가능성을 제시하고자 했다. 1945년 8월 15일이라는 해방 국면에서의 언론 상황을 점검하고 그를 통해 새롭게 대안적으로 포착해야 할 언론 단면들을 드러내고자 했다. 그 점검을 통해 해방 국면에서 제한된 형태이긴 하지만 언론이 해방의 의미를 나누었고 민중들은 그 같은 의미를 언론을 통해 받아들이는 습관을 나름으로 형성한 식민지적 공공성을 지니고 있었음을 밝히고자 했다. 그 공공성은 왜곡되고 식민지적인 것일 수밖게 없었지만 하루하루를 살아가는 당시 민중들에게는 감정적 구조를 전달해주고 있었으며 삶의 지침이 되기도 하는 영역이었다. 식민지 근대화론자들이 말하는 것처럼 일제에 의해 선사된 근대성의 공간도 아니고 민족주의자들의 주장대로 식민화된 공간만도 아닌 그 둘이 혼효된 공간이었다. 그리고 그 공간은 이후 한국 언론 문화, 관습, 언론을 받아들이는 습관 등 언론규율로 연장되었을 것이다. 혹은 새롭게 등장하는 서구적 근대성과 조우하면서 전혀 새로운 형태로 변해갔을 수도 있다. 지금의 언론 문화를 정리해내는 데 있어 식민지적 공공성에 대한 관심은 더 늦출 수 없는 중요한 지점이 아닐 수 없다.

• 비교문화연구
• /
• 제43권
• /
• pp.7-50
• /
• 2016

자본주의화된 식민지 조선에서 기생은 위기감 속에서 경제적 구원자가 될 남성에 의존해서 사는 처지였지만 다른 한편으로는 근대와 자본주의가 부여한 변신의 기회를 갖기도 했다. 사회주의자 정칠성도 정치적 각성을 통해 그러한 변신의 기회를 활용한 사람 중 하나였다. 정칠성의 정치적 각성은 3.1운동이라는 역사적 계기와 십여 년 간 기생으로서 경험했던 개인의 노동 체험이라는 두 가지 요인이 작용한 결과이다. 3.1운동은 민족주의라는 외연을 띤 거대한 정치적 사건이었지만 정칠성이라는 한 여성의 개인적인 분노의 감정을 이끌어낸 계기이기도 했다. 또한 초기 자본주의 사회에서 직업을 가진 여성들은 직무 상의 역할 이외에도 순종적이면서도 아량이 넓어야 한다는 정서적인 역할을 강요받았다. 즉 초기 직업 여성들은 공적 영역에서 젠더 위계와 젠더 권력 속에 무방비로 노출됨으로써 분노와 수치, 모멸감 등의 감정을 겪어야 했고 이러한 감정들이 정칠성의 사례에서 나타나듯 어떤 정치적 각성에 이르게 함을 알 수 있다. 노동 경험과 감정의 문제를 매개로 한 정치적 각성은 정칠성으로 하여금 다른 여성 사회주의자들과는 달리, 여성의 경제적 독립이라는 이슈를 구체적이고 현실적으로 이해하게 만든 요인이었다. 그러나 사회주의 언어는 정칠성에게 자신의 체험을 설명할 수 있는, 당시로서는 상대적으로 가장 적절한 언어였지만 그녀의 체험은 엘리트 사회주의 언어로서는 설명될 수 없는 지점들을 갖고 있다. 따라서 그녀의 삶은 엘리트 중심의 사회주의 운동을 넘어서, 하층민 여성의 삶이 새로운 감성으로 분할되고 등재되어 정치적으로 가시화될 필요가 있음을 역설적으로 증명하고 있다.

• 철학연구
• /
• 제146권
• /
• pp.25-48
• /
• 2018

행복이란 필요가 충족된 상태라는 상식적 이해로부터 출발하면서, 이 글은 민주시민이 행복해지기 위해 갖추어야 하는 지성과 덕성을 제안한다. 이를 위해 인간이 가지는 실존적 사실로서 존재, 관계, 그리고 활동을 제시하고, 이러한 사실이 도덕적 가치를 가지기 위해서 각각 독립성, 평등성, 그리고 책임성을 필요로 한다고 설명한다. 나아가 정치영역에서는 시민이 정치권력 앞에서 독립적으로 존재하고 평등하게 관계하고 그리고 책임 있게 활동할 때 행복한 시민이 될 수 있다고 논의한다. 이러한 필요들을 충족시키기 위해 요구되는 것들로서 민주시민의 지성으로서 가치내용의 다원성, 가치형식의 유사성, 그리고 가치실현의 가능성에 대한 이해를 제안하고, 마지막으로 민주시민의 덕성으로서는 자아 존중, 상호 존중, 그리고 법률 존중을 제안한다.

• 영어영문학
• /
• 제64권2호
• /
• pp.219-238
• /
• 2018

This essay examines the first-generation Korean American writer, No-Yong Park's falsehoods about his ethnic identity to suggest how and why he passed for Chinese, and to explore the political, anti-Japanese implications of these actions. The essay first identifies erroneous information circulating about his biographical background, presents some other materials that help us better understand the context in which he forged his Chinese identity, and then examines how he represented himself as Chinese in his published works. I would argue that Park's self-identification as Chinese was a resulting outcome of his naturalization caused by the Japanese colonial power in Korea and also one of his surviving strategies in the racist environment within American society. Looking at some of his works-including Making a New China (1929), An Oriental View of American Civilization (1934), Chinaman's Chance: Autobiography (1940)-and examining how he represented Korea and its people reveal how he tried to raise voice for them. By doing so, this essay illuminates Park's resistance to Japan's colonial discourse and power in Korea while revealing his lifetime passing as Chinese-far from his refusal to belong to the Korean community, or to acknowledge being Korean.

• Nuclear Engineering and Technology
• /
• 제54권4호
• /
• pp.1301-1311
• /
• 2022

Global climate change brings environmental quality sensitivity, especially in developed countries. Developed countries use non-renewable energy sources intensively both in their own countries and in other countries, they make productions that cause an enormous rate of increase in CO₂ emissions and unsustainable environmental costs. This has increased the interest in environmentally friendly alternative energy sources. The aim of this study is to investigate the impact of nuclear energy consumption and technological innovation on environmental quality in G7 countries using annual data over the period 1970-2015. The Panel Threshold Regression Model was used for the analysis. Empirical findings have indicated that the relationship between nuclear energy consumption and carbon emissions differs according to innovation for nuclear power plants. It was also concluded that nuclear energy consumption reduces carbon emissions more after a certain level of innovation. This result shows that the increase in innovative technologies for nuclear power plants not only increases energy efficiency but also contributes positively to environmental quality.

• 셀메드
• /
• 제13권2호
• /
• pp.3.1-3.21
• /
• 2023

In this study, the drinking culture of the Choseon dynasty is examined with the text frequency analysis technique on the entire 『Choseonwangjosilok (朝鮮王朝實錄)』. This study examined a total of 1,968 volumes and 948 books about 27 kings of Choseon , which spans a total of 518 years, through web crawling on the National Institute of Korean History website. Python 3.8 was used to extract sentences related to alcohol, Rhino 1.4.5 was used for morphological analysis to extract nouns, and Gephi 0.9.2 was used for semantic network analysis. According to 『Choseonwangjosilok (朝鮮王朝實錄)』 about alcohol culture, the results of the analysis are as follow: Alcoholic beverages were more often used in court or in ritual ceremonies rather than those based on specific ingredients or manufacturing methods commonly used by the general public. regarding the ruling class through semantic network analysis l in the 『Choseonwangjosilok (朝鮮王朝實錄)』, the Choseon dynasty was found to be highly associated with political issues related to maintaining the power relations within the Korean royal court system. At times, alcohol was used to maintain personal relationships, while at other times it was seen as an essential item in state ceremonies. It was also used as a highly political means to maintain and strengthen national power.

• 분석과 대안
• /
• 제3권1호
• /
• pp.29-61
• /
• 2019

Within the discipline of International Relations (IR), the literatures on global governance (GG) and great power management (GPM) at best ignore each other, and at worst treat the other as a rival or enemy. On the one hand, the GPM literature, like both realism in all its forms, and neoliberalism, takes for granted the ongoing, disproportionate influence of the great powers in the management of the international system/society, and does not look much beyond that. On the other hand, the GG literature emphasizes the roles of smaller states, non-state actors and intergovernmental organizations (IGOs), and tends to see great powers more as part of the problem than as part of the solution. This paper argues that the rise to prominence of a non-traditional security agenda, and particularly of human security, has triggered a de facto merger of GPM and GG that the IR literature usually treated as separate and often opposed theories. We use the Ebola crisis of 2014-15 to show how an issue framed as human security brought about a multi-actor response that combined the key elements of GPM and GG. The security framing overrode many of the usual inhibitions between great powers and non-state actors in humanitarian crises, including even the involvement of great power military forces. Through examining broadly the way in which the Ebola crisis is tackled, we argue that in an age of growing human security challenges, GPM and GG are necessarily and fruitfully merging. The role of great powers in this new human security environment is moving away from the simple means and ends of traditional GPM. Now, great powers require the ability to cooperate and coordinate with multiple-level actors to make the GG/GPM nexus more effective and sustainable. In doing so they can both provide crucial resources quickly, and earn respect and status as responsible great powers. IGOs provide legitimation and coordination to the GPM/GG package, and non-state actors (NSAs) provide information, specialist knowledge and personnel, and links into public engagement. In this way, the unique features of the Ebola crisis provide a model for how the merger of GPM and GG might be taken forward on other shared-fate threats facing global international society.

• 국제지역연구
• /
• 제21권1호
• /
• pp.281-301
• /
• 2017

This article examines the way of the functionality of policy instruments for the development of renewable energy through the case of the wind power. The general barrier of the renewable energy development is considered to be the economic barrier. However the principal issue is the political barrier without the broad cooperation between the host government and the firm. Maintaining the long-term competitive advantage requires the shift of not only the strategy following the external circumstance but also the internal capacity development to utilize resources. Thus the comparative case study of Sri Lanka and Germany proposes the analysis of the supply-push and demand-pull policy with five patterns on the development of wind power in order to suggest how the functionality of policy instruments must be served to foster the wind power.

• 수완나부미
• /
• 제16권1호
• /
• pp.271-301
• /
• 2024

Diplomatic relations between the United Arab Emirates and Indonesia have been going on for almost five decades. However, the cooperation between the two countries was still very limited at the beginning of diplomatic relations. As time went by, this cooperation began to expand, especially after Jokowi's visit to the United Arab Emirates in 2015. After this visit, the United Arab Emirates also showed increased interest in Indonesia and started to aggressively exercise soft power in Indonesia. Agreement after agreement have been signed, not only in the economic, political, and security sectors, but also in other areas. This phenomenon of increasing cooperation is one form of success in the soft power exercised by the United Arab Emirates towards Indonesia. Therefore, this research will look at the United Arab Emirates' soft power strategy towards Indonesia from 2015-2022. The concept developed by Joshua Kurlantzick is used to analyze using four important indicators that include educational cooperation, religious exchanges, humanitarian assistance, as well as cultural exchanges.