• International Journal of Railway
• /
• v.1 no.4
• /
• pp.129-133
• /
• 2008

Over the last $15{\sim}20$years, many countries have adopted policies of railway privatization to keep up with increasing competition from road and air transport. Although each country and case has its own history, market characteristics, political context as well as administrative process, railway privatizations (including railway restructure, concession etc.) in the west usually are accompanied with the establishment of new regulatory regimes. Therefore, railway governance has been innovating towards an interaction of government, regulator, industry bodies, user groups, trade unions and other interested groups within the regulatory framework. However, it is not the case in China. Although China had seen a partial privatization in some branch lines and is experiencing a much larger-scale privatization by establishing joint-ventures to build and operate high-speed passenger lines and implementing an asset-based securitization program, administrative control still occupies absolutely dominant position in the railway governance in China. Ministry of Railway (MOR) acts as the administrator, operator as well as regulator. There is no national policy that clearly positions railway in the transportation network and clarifies the role of government in railway development. There is also little participation from interested groups in the railway policy making, pricing, service standard or safety matter. Railway in China is solely governed by the mere executive agency. Efficiency-focused economic perspective explanation is far from satisfaction. A wider research perspective from political and social regime is of great potential to better explain and solve the problem. In the west, separation and constrains of power had long been established as a fundamental rule. In addition to internal separation of political power(legislation, execution and jurisdiction), rise of corporation in the 19th century and association revolution in the 20th century greatly fostered the growth of economic and social power. Therefore, political, social and economic organizations cooperate and compete with each other, which leads to a balanced and resonable power structure. While in China, political power, mainly party-controlled administrative power has been keeping a dominated position since the time of plan economy. Although the economic reform promoted the growth of economic power of enterprises, it is still not strong enough to compete with political power. Furthermore, under rigid political control, social organizations usually are affiliated to government, independent social power is still too weak to function. So, duo to the limited and slow reform in political and social regime in China, there is an unbalanced power structure within which political power is dominant, economic power expanding while social power still absent. Totally different power structure in China determines the fundamental institutional environment of her railway privatization and governance. It is expected that the exploration of who act behind railway governance and their acting strength (a power theory) will present us a better picture of railway governance as a relevant transportation mode. The paper first examines the railway governance in China and preliminarily establishes a linkage between railway governance and its fundamental institutional environment, i.e. power structure in a specific country. Secondly, the reason why there is no national policy in China is explored in the view of political power. In China, legislative power is more symbolic while party-controlled administrative power dominates political process and plays a fundamental role in Chinese railway governance. And then, in the part three railway finance reform is analyzed in the view of economic power, esp. the relationship of political power and economic power.

• The Southeast Asian review
• /
• v.23 no.1
• /
• pp.1-44
• /
• 2013

This study examined the constitutional engineering of the Philippine democracy in terms of power sharing and accountability, and the effectiveness and stability of the Philippine democracy as a result were assessed. Based on the analysis, the nature of the present Philippine democratic system since 1986 was brought to light. This study argues that the system of power sharing between the President and the congress in the Philippines tends to serve for negotiating political interests among the power elites rather than functioning in a constructive way. And the public accountability system is not functioning as it was designed to do. Due to the defects the Philippine democracy continuously suffers the lack of political effectiveness and stability. Despite of the problem, the reason not to break down the system would be the fact that the system served for the oligarchic power elites to circulate and recreate the political power exclusively. The direction of the Philippine constitutional engineering should be weakening the present traditional elite dominated political system, and strengthening the chances of political participation from the various classes. Some concerned people suggested the constitutional change to parliamentary system in order to strengthening party politics, and federal system to cope with the problems of regional conflicts, but such efforts failed repeatedly due to the conflict of political interests. Considering the present circumstance, it would be advisable to reform political party law and election system in the direction of strengthening political party system, and to expand the scope of local government system in the direction of devolving the centralized political power.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
• /
• v.63 no.1
• /
• pp.56-63
• /
• 2013

This study provides comparative analysis on the parodying of the body and political powers in the traditional animation and Shrek Series based on the discourse of Foucault. For the research, parody theories and Foucault's discourse were reviewed through the literature study, and Shrek Series was analyzed through positive study. The Shrek Series overturned stereotypes of the traditional animation by means of parody, especially showing a true body and a political power in the post-modern society. Foucault focused on the body and newly changed political power in the post-modern society. A body was changed into resistant and combative forms rather than obedient and submissive under control of the community power. In addition, political power was changed into relationship-oriented, decentralized and creative power rather than the centralized and class-based. In the traditional fairy tales, heroes and heroines are beautiful and perfect characters who obtain wealth and honor and live a happy life forever. However, heros and heroines in the Shrek Series are not attractive and do not have the ideal body shape, but rather have creative and active personalities and show indifference towards wealth and honor. Furthermore, their dress colors show the change into lower value and higher chroma. The Shrek Series is a future-oriented animation which created a fluid body and a creative political power in the post-modern society.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
• /
• v.62 no.5
• /
• pp.108-124
• /
• 2012

The purpose of this study is to examine the political and social statements through fashion design, by comparing with more activated statements in the general design area. To achieve this, the documentary study and practical case study have been executed. First of all, the meaning of design politics was defined and the cases of design practice of political and social statements were reviewed and classified historically. Traditionally, designs have been inextricably linked with political authorities and ideologies. As propaganda, it has been used for power authority to seize power and maintain dominance. On the contrary, they could be an instrument to resist and criticize against contemporary power authority and dominant. Next, the political and social statements were traced historically through fashion design on the basis of the two previously reviewed categories. And then, comparing political and social statements between design and fashion design, the contents and ways of their expressions were similar. In design, there were more various ways when the designers were leading collective behavior, but in fashion design, there were more leading voices of socio-political organizations and resistant counter culture groups. Now, new trends are rising constantly where individual designers' creations express many different socio-political beliefs. This study which inquires designers' political and social involvement will be helpful in making people rethink the social role of fashion design and encouraging conscious fashion design activism.

• Strategy21
• /
• s.41
• /
• pp.174-207
• /
• 2017

Human history shows diverse strategies for survival and prosperity. This study introduces the concept of the expansion of wealth as a key to explain choice and behavior of political entities. American scholar, -Bruce Bueno de Mesquita-, offers theoretical grounds for this concept in that the cores of selectorate theory is settled. The political entity consists of two groups, -the winning coalition that has power to replace leader and non-winning coalition that has not. Leaders implement policies serving for the welfare of winning coalition in return for their loyalty. Both internal problems caused by demographic changes and external ones of climate changes, epidemic disease, or invasion compel leader and winning coalition to adopt policies of expansion that they believe may lead to the acquisition of wealth needed to counter those problems. The process starts by occupying one spot where other entities reside and then connecting it to its own. The line between spots functions as a foothold to form a new line to other spots. By repeating this process, a space is created in which new laws and orders are instated. In the early stage of expansion, war is hardly avoidable. Once finished successfully, the political circumstance tilts to encourage economic activities in order to generate national revenues to strengthen political power of winning coalition. However, as scale of economic activities grows, so does political power of civic classes in production and trade. To gain financial support required to run the political entity, delegation of power or bestowing autonomy to non-winning coalition is inevitable. Thus, expansion is not the ultimate solution, only to prolong the political survival if succeed. Maritime power came to attractive option when overland expansion had become obstructed. It offered much greater advantages in terms of political risks and financial burdens in exploring new regions of precious commodities than overland expansion. Each political entity around world have been, for the first time in human history, connected by maritime means since 15th century. It is worthy of noting that land conditions propelled people out to sea. Political and economic situations created opportunities to exploit geographical position in pursuit of wealth. In the 21st century, we witness the operation of international winning coalition that presides over the rules of expansion. Competing for market is synonymous to the expansion in this era, the cause and aim of it has not been changed though. Energy and dollars are key factors of expansion since the end of the 2nd world war. No matter what the forms and conditions change, naval power is still the most relevant means for expansion as it retains unique characters of maneuver, flexibility, continuity, display and projection of power. The strategy for using naval power should be in line with two different approaches for expansion: Approaches to the international winning coalition by making contribution to world order, and approaches to the non-international winning coalition by enhancing military diplomatic activities. The former will serve our share of winning coalition while the latter will open chances to acquire further prosperity.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.22
• /
• pp.39-75
• /
• 2003

This essay begins with the following questions; "What is a fundamental source of media power?" and "How can the media power dominate market?". This essay aims at answering the questions. I made my selection of countries such as Venezuela, Italy and UK for this article with a political economic approach. This analysis found evidence that an enormous conglomerate ownership, and alliance or convergence between media and political power are two fundamental source of the media power. With the integration of newspaper and television the media monopoly increased their supplies and political influences as I have shown. Despite the growing threat of media monopoly power to democracy and public interest, in recent years, governments worldwide have chosen to ease regulations.

• Journal of Fashion Business
• /
• v.20 no.2
• /
• pp.149-164
• /
• 2016

The purpose of this study was to analyze the cases of IMF Managing Director Christine Lagarde to discuss power dressing characteristics represented in the fashion style of women political leaders. Study methods included literature reviews on the theoretical background of Christine Lagarde's Political Leadership formation and the power dressing of women political leaders. The results of the study were as follows. First, governor Christine Lagarde's fashion styles worn at formal events were summarized into suits, bags, scarves and jewelry. Clothing type was found to be 98% suits, 5% dress with the colors black, gray and white being worn the most, 84% were achromatic, blue tones and vivid tones were about 16%. Faborite accessories included scarves, jewelry and luxury bags. Scarves were higher frequency utilization at 51% of the total wear. Second, characteristics of power-dressing appearring as fashion styles were summarized as wealthy, honorable, having political power, being, charismatic or, feminine. Luxury suite luxury brands holds a sense of power with many believing they wealth, honor and charisma. Luxury bags, V-zone ornaments of scarves and, jewelry are items of power that people often wear in order to charisma and a symbol of power. They are also, used as an important element in portraying confidence and leadership as IMF governors.

• 중국학논총
• /
• no.65
• /
• pp.215-234
• /
• 2020

This paper aims to analyze the recent consolidation of Xi Jinping's power in the context of political reform of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), and reason out its implications. After Reform and Opening Up, the CCP needed to adapt to the changing society, secure its legitimacy and reinforce its ruling power. Therefore, the CCP has practiced political reform focused on intra-democracy since 16th Party Congress in 2002. Intra-democracy in the CCP's collective leadership consists of two parts: a stable power succession, based on term limits and age limits, and a democratic management system, based on checks and compromises between political factions. Those mechanisms of intra-democracy are still functioning in the Xi Jinping era, which explains that the consolidation of Xi's power is the result of the agreement in the CCP. In other words, it is a short-term change to efficiently deal with challenges the CCP is facing.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
• /
• v.8 no.2
• /
• pp.27-43
• /
• 2009

A ban on political podcasting during the General Elections 2006 in Singapore was justified by the Singaporean government on the grounds that the new medium had a greater power to influence voters than traditional modes of political discourse. A between-subjects controlled experiment was conducted to test whether podcasts of political speeches had a greater power to influence voters' evaluations of political candidates and likelihood of voting for them than online text-based transcripts of the same speeches. The study also examined whether mere exposure to political speeches online, irrespective of the modality, had an effect on voters' more general political preferences, i.e. the likelihood of support and voting for the opposition. The findings suggest that political podcasts were no more persuasive than text-based websites and that the effects on political preferences, if any, were likely due the exposure to political content online, not because of the nature of the medium. The implications of the findings are discussed.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
• /
• v.53 no.1
• /
• pp.77-85
• /
• 2003

The following results are from a research on the influences of the political parties on the fashion styles. which political power was strugg1ed with each other were one of the political Phenomena featuring Chosun Dynasty. Partisan fashion styles are mainly divided into two groups : NohRon (노론) and SohRon (소론). Nonetheless. NmIn (남인) also shows several unique traits. BukIn (북인). however, does not seem to be retaining any unique styling features. which believed to be caused by lack of political Power. The style of NohRon represents the status of a ruling party, which generally had abundant resources and the image of a conservatism. On the contrary, with SohRon's style, swiftness and reform-minded images could be found. Moreover, the NohRon's style is generally known to present, as the representing the way of noble men of Chosun Dynasty wore in the past. The reason seems to have stemmed from its status as the last ruling party in Chosun Dynasty. Thus, many people of the age mimicked the style, and it gained general acceptance in turns. Consequently, it is still deemed as the prevalent style of Chosun Dynasty.