• SUVANNABHUMI
• /
• v.15 no.1
• /
• pp.61-89
• /
• 2023

This research explores the fall of pre-independence Sultanates and its continued political, economic, and cultural influence in post-colonial Indonesia. By using qualitative and historical methods, this paper compares the Sultanates of Mataram in Yogyakarta and Al-Kadrie in Pontianak, which represent different historical paths supporting the struggle for independence during the mid-20th century. Sultan Hamid II of the Al-Kadrie was a supporter of federalism whereas Sultan Hamengkubowono IX of Yogyakarta was an advocate of the republican system. Eventually, Indonesia became a Republic, and the idea of federalism was sidelined, which led to the abolition of sultanates in the rise of the = Indonesian nation-state, except for the Sultanate of Yogyakarta. After the 1998 Reform, the current development of democracy created political opportunities for the Al-Kadrie to reclaim its authority through engagement with various civic organizations. Meanwhile, the Sultanate of Yogyakarta faces internal friction because of succession concerns.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
• /
• v.20 no.4
• /
• pp.379-392
• /
• 2014

Southeast Asian studies in Korea have been developing rapidly, thanks to strategic and collective efforts invested by the area specialists. Especially, political scientists' contribution as 'institution builders' were remarkable. Anthropologists' leadership as 'solidarity makers' between humanities and social science is now experimenting. In terms of quantity, contribution of geography to area studies is not satisfactory yet, though geography is regarded as a discipline inseparable with area studies. However, geographers as 'horizontal networkers' can contribute to area studies through conducting research in unexplored subject and connecting the human and the physical science.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
• /
• v.17 no.1
• /
• pp.112-129
• /
• 2018

Produced by Chinese local television stations, Maritime Silk Road is a documentary which adopts ancient Maritime Silk Road as a historical nostalgia to interpret "the Belt and Road Initiative", a contemporary Chinese economic, political, and cultural strategy put forward by Chinese government mainly aiming at the countries of Southeast Asia. The main body of this article has three parts and the first part analyses how the documentary adopts computer-generated imagery (CGI) to create a historical nostalgia about ancient Maritime Silk Road in the period of Imperial China. At the same time, this part also presents a sense of diasporic nostalgia of the overseas Chinese. This historical and diasporic nostalgia is related to Chinese President Xi Jinping's political discourse: "Chinese dream" that propagandises to build a strong China put forward by Xi in 2013. The second part analyses how this historical and diasporic nostalgia legitimates Xi's "Chinese dream" and how it responds to recent territorial dispute when China continuously claims its territorial sovereignty in the South China Sea. In this light, the documentary repeatedly mentions two political rhetoric: "coexistence" (gongcun) and "mutual benefit"(huli gongying) as a practical strategy to deal with the dispute between China and some countries of Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). In the third section, the concept of "community of common destiny" (mingyun gongtongti) is adopted by the documentary to depict a convenient and effective organization of China and ASEAN, which is framed as an ultimate goal that Chinese government is depicted as the potential leader of this nostalgic community. At the same time, by providing different and even opposite viewpoints, this article discusses three controversial political rhetoric to present how historical and diasporic nostalgia is politicalized and served for Chinese diplomacy and national interest. Overall, this article argues that the documentary creates a glorious ancient Maritime Silk Road, as a sense of nostalgia, to expand China's economic and political influence, to respond to the controversial issues, and to reassert China's leadership as the centre of Asia.

• Iberoamérica
• /
• v.22 no.1
• /
• pp.1-30
• /
• 2020

Recently, in the conservative wave in Latin America, the political participation of the conservative Pentecostal Church has been highlighted. This article analyzes the impact of this political participation on democracy and its development, based on the case of Brazil. First, the Pentecostal churches contributed greatly to religious pluralism, but show an exclusive and aggressive attitude toward other religions and ideologies. Also, in the process of selecting official candidates, most members of the churches are politically mobilized according to the unilateral decisions of the leadership, and these elected candidates serve the specific corporatist interests of their own denomination or church rather than the public interest. In addition, the purpose of political participation to obtain public offices is also a stumbling block to the development of democracy in Brazil by placing it in the direct realization of a specific religious interests or values of the rebuilding of the Christian kingdom.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
• /
• v.15 no.1
• /
• pp.5-38
• /
• 2009

This study analyzes the relationship since 1988 between National Assembly, president and political parties in Korea, and to find critical conditions for developing a mutually beneficial relationship among them. It argues that the levels of both internal power concentration and cohesiveness(or discipline) of political parties matter greatly, and applies them as theoretical framework for the historical review. By 2002, major political parties were highly concentrated in power and their discipline was strong. Consequently parties fought collectively with each other and Assemblies repeatedly saw standoffs and deadlocks. Reforms of 2002-04 that sought higher degree of party democracy and more autonomy among members of National Assembly have not been able to bring in a productive legislative-president relationship. A cohesive faction politics under the leadership of (potential) presidential candidates keeps it from growing. This study suggests further democratization of party power and more autonomy to individual Assembly members.

• Journal of the Korea Society of Computer and Information
• /
• v.17 no.9
• /
• pp.181-188
• /
• 2012

This study concentrates on the exploratory study about self-leadership securing autonomy and self-determination of the job performance for the employees of social welfare facilities like that the members set the goal of their jobs and solve the problems by themselves without exterior one-way interruption and control. For this purpose, this study set up the analysis model and hypothesis that the efficiency of the members' job performance can be promoted since the increasing self-leadership(behavior-focused strategies, natural-reward strategies, contractive thought pattern strategies) of the employees of social welfare facilities has a positive effect on empowerment and job satisfaction. Therefore, this study has significance in the aspect that it provides political suggestion for promoting the efficiency of human resource management by investigating the relationship between self-leadership and empowerment and job satisfaction through empirical analysis.

• Analyses & Alternatives
• /
• v.4 no.1
• /
• pp.39-61
• /
• 2020

The Chinese Communist Party's 'with-Chinese-characteristics' discourse proclaims its superiority in reflecting people's genuine needs without poisonous partisan politics, as in Western democracies. The Party's Consultative Democracy is key to this superiority. To evaluate Consultative Democracy in Contemporary China from a perspective of popular sovereignty, which is the essential purpose of every kinds of democracy, this research looks into Consultative Democracy from two dimensions: theoretical dimension and institutional dimension. Theoretically, CCP's Consultative Democracy seeks its theoretical sources from their traditional thought as well as from Marxism, and especially emphasizes CCP's leadership to fulfill the consultation results. And through the analysis of various field investigations, we find that there are some prominent problems in grass-roots society's institutional mechanism for Consultative Democracy, such as insufficient connection between institutional innovation and existing legal system, inefficient consultation, insufficient representation of consultative subjects and weak motive force for sustainable development. By legitimizing certain groups or individuals as representatives in their consultative process, CCP can be de-legitimize by containing, dividing or denouncing others so that critics can be co-opted, neutralized or isolated. The CCP's consultative and representational processes are different from taking policy inputs as dialogue or negotiation as in democracies, it is a dynamic, largely one-way process of enforcement and direction with a clear political agenda: maintaining Party hegemony.

• Journal of Platform Technology
• /
• v.10 no.3
• /
• pp.11-20
• /
• 2022

South Korea is now recognized as a world leader in the field of digital government thanks to a president who had insight in the field of e-Government more than 20 years ago. Today, many countries around the world are establishing various strategies to cope with the great digital transformation beyond the industrial society and the information society. The Korean government is also establishing and promoting digital government policies to respond to such a global digital transformation. In South Korea, the digital platform government policy began in 2022. Therefore, it is an early stage of policy formation, and many details are not well known yet. Recently, the Korean government announced the vision, three goals, and five strategies for realizing a digital platform government. And specific digital platform government projects that can be implemented are selected. In order to successfully implement a digital platform government, the following three policies should be prioritized. First, the digital platform government should be approached from the perspective of total government innovation, not industry revival. Second, the political perspective should be excluded from ICT policy. Third, the vision and strategy of the digital platform government should be established and clearly presented to the public. And based on this, strong governance should be formed and strongly promoted centered on the leadership of the president.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.56
• /
• pp.194-218
• /
• 2011

Focusing on the individuals' structural positions and roles in the internet discussion network, this research explores whether and how the opinion leaders' network characteristics are associated with the message quality and interpersonal influence in terms of attention-drawing and response-generation, which prior studies often failed to fully explicate. Findings suggest that discussion participants with high message quality occupy more central positions in the discussion network, thus enjoy more attention and responses of other following participants. However, opinion leader's network centralities, which tap the structural positions and unique roles in the online discussion network, systematically mediate the effect of the message quality on interpersonal influence. Moreover, significant interaction between opinion perception and network centrality was found only on the majority opinion group, rendering the entire discussion structure toward more enclaved deliberation and group polarization. Taken together, the results imply that the influence of the online opinion leader can only be substantiated with participant's central positions in the discussion network, which has been ignored by the prior opinion leadership research.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
• /
• v.15 no.2
• /
• pp.35-65
• /
• 2009

This paper describes the changes in legislative rules in the U.S. House of Representatives and discusses the roles of legislative rules in public policy making. I argue that much of reform experiences in the U.S. House provide good references by which the National Assembly of the Republic of Korea may follow for its reforms. For this, I summarize primary reforms of legislative rules in the U.S. House and discuss dynamics in power distribution between committees and party leadership. These reforms are then reviewed on the basis of political stability, protection of minority rights, and legislative deliberation.