• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
• /
• v.19 no.1
• /
• pp.295-304
• /
• 2013

• Journal of Navigation and Port Research
• /
• v.29 no.9
• /
• pp.813-819
• /
• 2005

The purpose of this paper is to present some main economic factors which influence Gaza Seaport. Without direct access to the international market, the Palestinian economy will continue its dependence on Israeli economy mainly in employment, transport facilitation, and international trade. The greatest potential for Palestinian economic growth lies in trade. The port is important for creating new job opportunities, and for enhancing exporting capabilities, which are the most essential elements for development of the Palestinian economy. Israeli policies and procedures incur Palestinian exporters additional transportation costs when delivering their products to Israeli Ports or when transit these products to neighboring countries through Israeli controlled area. The public profit for the port is greater than the private profit. Therefore, constructing the port will have a great effect on the Palestinian economy. There are many challenges facing the port, some of them are the political stability, the economies of scale, and Israeli security measures and procedures.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
• /
• v.24 no.1
• /
• pp.102-121
• /
• 2021

Financial geography is an evolving subdiscipline in economic geography. This paper identifies and reviews three important 'waves' constitutive of the current state of financial geography: including the 'first' wave before 1990s when finance was regarded as a byproduct of the over-accumulation process in production sphere in the Marxist geographical political economy tradition; the 'second' wave in the mid-1990s during which financial geography was firmly established as a subdiscipline, influenced by the cultural turn and poststructuralist thoughts; and the most recent 'third' wave after the 2008~2009 global financial crisis that urged financial geographers to take power and politics more seriously and 're-politicize' with the analytical ideas of governmentality and financial subjectification from a neo-Foucauldian perspective. These waves have helped financial geography become a practice-oriented academic discourse, in which different philosophical thoughts, foci of analytical level and object, renditions of the subject, perceptions of power and politics, and geographies of finance and financialization coexist and also compete and contest one another.

• The Journal of Economics, Marketing and Management
• /
• v.6 no.3
• /
• pp.10-13
• /
• 2018

Purpose - On the basis of discussing the network economy concept and the commentary of the marginal revenue decreasing of traditional economic theory, The concept of network economy has just been put forward in recent years. The reason why such a concept appears is that the information technology, marked by computer network, plays an increasingly important role in economic activities. Some people define network economy as an economic form based on network technology and human capital. this paper points out network economy existing the marginal revenue increasing and analyzes the reasons that influencing the marginal revenue increasing. Research design, data, methodology - The network economy has fundamentally changed the traditional economic laws. The economic basis of industrial society is the law of incremental marginal cost, which reflects the socialization of high cost in industrial society. Results - As the number of network members increases, the value of the network increases explosively, and the value increases attract more members to join, resulting in more returns. Conclusion - In conclusion, network economy has changed many aspects of traditional economy, resulting in decreasing marginal cost, decreasing transaction cost in and out of enterprise organizations, and making the effect of increasing scale compensation more prominent. This is of great significance to the information construction in China.

• 사회경제평론
• /
• v.31 no.1
• /
• pp.1-23
• /
• 2018

This study reviews articles published in the Review of Social & Economics Studies and presented at many research conferences organized by Korean Association for Political Economy(KAPE). The purpose of this review is to retrospect such research activities of KAPE and to make a step forward to relevant research on Korean Economy. Considering current economic depressions and the crisis of academic science in general, the responsibilities of researchers as a economist are heavier than ever. To break through these difficulties, we have to inspire and organize research activities at KAPE level above all things. At the individual level, we should attend objective analysis and propose alternatives to Korean economy in the lights of reform and progress viewpoint.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.43
• /
• pp.7-46
• /
• 2008

The purpose of this essay explores a critical review of the Korean critical communication studies focused on the problematic of cultural studies and political economy in 2000s. The findings are as follows; The 'consumer turn' or 'audience turn' in new revisionism modelling John Fiske's cultural studies has been interpreted not to complement but to substitute the necessary criticism of the post-authoritarian media establishment of Korea at that time, arising identity crisis of Korean cultural studies as one of the critical camp. On other side, however, some political economy studies close to the unilinear theses of orthodox marxism has been appraised to neglect the complex process and structure of media and cultural production as well. While the press war between the market-dominant dailies and some progressive dailies has given rise to a whole debate as expected in consolidating period of Korean emerging democracy, the conjucturalism as modelled by Hall's 'authoritarian populism' failed to initiate a new theo tical practice in Korea. Finally, this review essay propose the some new research issues that would converge cultural studies and political economy, modernism and postmodernism; citizenship vs 'cultural citizenship'(valuing the private identity and gender) or Habermasian public sphere vs 'cultural public sphere', the culture of production, (modern)citizen/(postmodern)consumer(recently debated in English media policy), 'differentiation' in capitalist production and 'difference' in consumer sovereignty, 21c future vision of public service broadcasting as one of the 20c institutions.

• Analyses & Alternatives
• /
• v.2 no.2
• /
• pp.111-141
• /
• 2018

By the middle of 2018 there are signs of China's entry into a new period of development, characterized by a change in the old model: "market reforms-inner-party democratization - moderate foreign policy" to another: "market reforms - Xi Jinping personality cult - offensive foreign policy." This model contains the risks of arising of the contradiction between economic freedom and political-ideological rigidity which can lead to destabilization of the political life. However, in the current positive economic dynamics, these risks may come out, rather, in the medium and long term. Today, the political situation in China remains stable - despite growing dissatisfaction in scientific expert and educational circles due to increased control over the intellectual sphere by the authorities. The need for a new redistribution of power between central and provincial authorities could potentially disrupt political stability in the medium term, but, at the moment, is not a critical negative factor. The economic situation is positive-stable. Forecasts indicate a possible increase in China's GDP in 2018 at 6.5%. At the same time, there are negative expectations in connection with the Sino-US and potentially Sino-European "trade war". In the Chinese foreign policy, as a response to Western pressure, China increasingly uses the Russian direction of its diplomacy in the expanded version of Russia + SCO. The nuance here is seen in China's adjusted approach to the SCO: first of all, not as a mechanism for cooperation with Russia, but as an organization that allows using Russia's potential for pressure on the US in the Sino-US strategic rivalry. In the second half of 2018, the Chinese economy will continue to develop steadily, albeit with unresolved traditional problems (debts of provinces and state-owned enterprises, ineffective state sector, risks on the financial and real estate market). In politics, discontent with the cult of Xi will accumulate, but without real threats to its power. Weakening in economic opposition between China and the United States is possible due to Beijing's search for compromises on tariffs, intellectual property, trade deficit. To find such trade-offs, Xi will use the so-called. "Personal diplomacy" of direct contacts with Trump.

• The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
• /
• v.7 no.5
• /
• pp.73-80
• /
• 2020

Tax is the main revenue of Government, so fighting tax evasion and sustainable growth have been the primary macroeconomic goals being pursued by every developing country, Vietnam included. The existence and development of the shadow economic sector are synonymous with the national budget losing out. In Vietnam, foreign direct investment projects do not promote economic growth and is also a sector that gives way to tax evasion.The purpose of this study is to investigate the impact of foreign direct investment, the quality of the informal institution on the size of the shadow economy in Vietnam, during the period 1991-2015. By applying the Autoregressive Distributed Lag approach and Toda and Yamamoto test, we found evidence to conclude that the quality of the informal institution harms the size of the shadow economy. The results of the causality test show that there is a unidirectional causality running from the shadow economy and the quality of the informal institution to foreign direct investment attraction in Vietnam. Political solutions need to be implemented carefully to counter the harmful effects of the shadow economy. Policymakers should adopt several economic policies to improve the 'human capital' and drive the shadow economy into the formal economy.

• The Southeast Asian review
• /
• v.28 no.1
• /
• pp.53-82
• /
• 2018

The $14^{th}$ general election which should be held by August 2018 has been a dominant factor for Malaysian politics, economy, social changes and foreign policy in 2017. UMNO, the dominant party within the ruling governmental coalition, has focused on securing Malay support, voters which made them to sought political cooperation with PAS, Malaysia's Islamist opposition party. A consequent event followed by the strategic ties between the two parties is the rise of political Islam in Malaysia though PAS' 'Islamization' or 'desecularization' has never been adopted by UMNO. The rise of political Islam and Malay support have become the most important factor for the next election, which increasingly enhanced the role of 3R of Malaysia politics; Race, Religion, and Royalty. The Pakatan Harapan (PH), the newly formed opposition coalition without PAS, has elected Mahathir Mohamad, the former Prime Minister, as its candidate for prime minister. Malaysian economy and foreign policy seem to be subordinated to politics. Stabilizing ringgit and restoring economic growth enabled the Najib's government to reveal 'election budget' for 2018. Najib has spoken out Islam-related international issues including the Rohingya crisis and Jerusalem issue. It is to some extent the extension of domestic politics. The rise of political Islam will be a highly influential not only in the coming election but in the political and social development in the aftermath of the election.

• Journal of Families and Better Life
• /
• v.16 no.2
• /
• pp.11-22
• /
• 1998

The purpose of this study is to contribute to the theoretical understanding of the nature of domestic labor in relation to the capitalist economic system. In this study I adopted the reproduction of labor for the analytical term. Also I owed theoretical basis to the political economy to analyze the relation between domestic labor and capitalist economy. The family is a very important place which functions to maintain and change both the present and future labor what is called the reproduction of labor power. It also has a close relationship with the total society. The reproduction of labor power is divided by 'gender division of labor' which allocates the responsibility to one gender(women) and exempts it to another gender(men). In conclusion the domestic labor is the very basis of capitalist economy and it is also the preliminary condition to its system. SO we can fully understand the capitalist economy with the 'visible' labor part and the 'invisible' domestic labor part inc usively. And we can also understand the interrelationship between family and labor market which constitutes one economic system and fuctions in it.