• 영어영문학
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• 제64권4호
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• pp.601-616
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• 2018

This article explores the ways Charles Dickens's roles as novelist and journal editor overlapped and influenced one another in the serial publication of A Tale of Two Cities (1859) and complicates recent historicist readings, which situate the novel in relation to the Indian Mutiny (1857-59), by calling attention to a double imperial logic used to construct British subjectivity not only against forms of Eastern Otherness but, moreover, against forms of Southern Otherness associated with the European South, especially Italy. Analyzing Dickens's historical representation of the French Revolution in relation to its contemporary international political context, this essay examines how the novel's serial publication draws upon political discourse from contemporary articles on the Second Italian War of Independence (1859-61) appearing concurrently in Dickens's journal, All the Year Round. Orientalism circulates simultaneously in the novel as a distant and exotic as well as a provincial and parochial representation of racial and cultural Otherness.

• 만화애니메이션 연구
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• 통권43호
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• pp.255-284
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• 2016

본 논문은 1970년대의 명랑만화인 <꺼벙이>, <도깨비감투>, <요철발명왕>에 대한 담론분석이다. 분석을 위해 한국 명랑만화의 역사와 함께 당시의 심의제도와 유통구조를 고찰하였다. 또한 1920년대부터 다양한 의미로 사용되었던 '명랑'이라는 용어에 대한 개념과 의미의 변화 과정에도 주목하였다. 이를 통해 명랑만화는 단순히 웃음을 유발하는 텍스트가 아니며, 당대의 정치, 사회적 맥락과 깊이 연관되어 있음을 알 수 있었다. 분석방법은 푸코의 담론분석방법을 사용하였다. 1970년대의 명랑만화를 당시의 사회적 제도에 의해 형성된 담론이라 가정하고, 만화 내 등장인물들의 대화를 언표로 규정하여 분석하였다. 만화의 대화분석을 통해 당시의 명랑만화가 전파하는 담론과 그것을 만들어내는 사회적인 조건에 대한 분석을 실시하였다. 이런 과정을 통해 당시의 명랑만화는 '서열화를 통한 자본과 권력의 획득', '국가주의적 요소의 강조', '능동적 주체로의 호명과 훈육'이라는 담론을 내포하고 있는 것으로 나타났다. 아울러 이러한 담론은 심의와 통제 같은 당대의 권력의지를 바탕으로 나타나며, 이를 통해 지배 권력의 이데올로기를 정교하게 담아 내는 장치로 사용되고 있음을 알 수 있었다.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제17권1호
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• pp.112-129
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• 2018

Produced by Chinese local television stations, Maritime Silk Road is a documentary which adopts ancient Maritime Silk Road as a historical nostalgia to interpret "the Belt and Road Initiative", a contemporary Chinese economic, political, and cultural strategy put forward by Chinese government mainly aiming at the countries of Southeast Asia. The main body of this article has three parts and the first part analyses how the documentary adopts computer-generated imagery (CGI) to create a historical nostalgia about ancient Maritime Silk Road in the period of Imperial China. At the same time, this part also presents a sense of diasporic nostalgia of the overseas Chinese. This historical and diasporic nostalgia is related to Chinese President Xi Jinping's political discourse: "Chinese dream" that propagandises to build a strong China put forward by Xi in 2013. The second part analyses how this historical and diasporic nostalgia legitimates Xi's "Chinese dream" and how it responds to recent territorial dispute when China continuously claims its territorial sovereignty in the South China Sea. In this light, the documentary repeatedly mentions two political rhetoric: "coexistence" (gongcun) and "mutual benefit"(huli gongying) as a practical strategy to deal with the dispute between China and some countries of Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). In the third section, the concept of "community of common destiny" (mingyun gongtongti) is adopted by the documentary to depict a convenient and effective organization of China and ASEAN, which is framed as an ultimate goal that Chinese government is depicted as the potential leader of this nostalgic community. At the same time, by providing different and even opposite viewpoints, this article discusses three controversial political rhetoric to present how historical and diasporic nostalgia is politicalized and served for Chinese diplomacy and national interest. Overall, this article argues that the documentary creates a glorious ancient Maritime Silk Road, as a sense of nostalgia, to expand China's economic and political influence, to respond to the controversial issues, and to reassert China's leadership as the centre of Asia.

• 한국경제지리학회지
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• 제19권1호
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• pp.143-160
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• 2016

공적개발원조는 무역, 해외 직접투자, 해외 송금 등과 마찬가지로 국가 간 경계를 넘는 일종의 국제적인 금융 행위이다. 공적개발원조의 수행은 일정한 목적이 있으며, 여러 가지 목적 가운데 정치적 목적은 중요한 요인으로 고려되었다. 이에 따르면, 공적개발원조는 정치적인 것이며, 공적개발원조의 수행은 이를 제공하는 행위자가 지정학을 실천하는 하나의 형태라고 할 수 있다. 본 연구는 한국의 공적개발원조 정책을 둘러싸고 구성되는 지정학적 담론과 그 특징을 분석하였다. 특히 정책에 강한 영향력을 행사할 수 있는 행위자와 관련된 현실지정학에 주목하였고, 국회회의록을 분석하여 '인도주의 실천', '발전 모형의 전형', '시장 개척', '글로벌 지정학의 변화에 대한 대응'이라는 지정학적 담론을 도출하였다. 지정학적 담론은 원조 정책을 대내외적으로 합리화하는 과정에서 만들어졌고, 동시에 같은 목적으로 이용되었다. 이 과정에서, 선진국과 개발도상국은 대립적이고 전형적이며 고정적인 이미지로 재현되었다.

• 간호행정학회지
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• 제8권3호
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• pp.373-380
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• 2002

Purpose : The purpose of this study is to analyze the history of nursing and medicine as phenomena of knowledge/power from the viewpoint of Foucault. Method : The present study adopts the genealogical method by Foucault, which tries to unite languages and knowledge. Foucault who attempted to show that the basic ideas which people normally take to be permanent truths about human nature and society change in the course of history. Results : It has been emphasized that the development of modern health care has been due to the progressive efforts of medicine and to medical discoveries. Foucault examines the institutionalization of knowledge and the power exerted thereby, with special reference to the devices of social regulation and their function over the madness, the disease, the crime, and the sexuality. The concept of power is that it is exerted spontaneously in verbal behaviors of individuals through knowledge of everyday life such as definition of body or mind. Therefore as to the problem of knowledge/power, this study tries to understand the meaning of history of nursing and medicine through an analysis of the formation of text of history. In order to have authority in a power relation, the medical professional asserts that medical discourse is the most scientific knowledge. Conclusion : According to the above findings, it can be concluded that the body is also directly invested in a political field: power relations have an immediate hold upon it; they invest it, mark it, train it, torture it, force it to carry out tasks, to perform ceremonies, to emit signs. Therefore the devaluation of nursing care is reinforced by the medicine which has the legitimate authority through use of the political skills about the body.

• 복식문화연구
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• 제31권5호
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• pp.573-585
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• 2023

Comprehending the prevailing ideals of the body within a specific era requires grasping the intricate interplay between social phenomena and the evolution of clothing. Accordingly, this study investigates the distinctive facets of the perception of the Neo-Confucian body as reflected in men's dress during the Joseon Dynasty. We examine a comprehensive body of scholarship, literature, and historical records concerning the body and dress. Additionally, we also employ a framework developed by M. Y. Kim, which categorizes the Neo-Confucian body in three ways: as the natural body, the cultural body, and the body as a fully-realized moral subject. Our findings unveil three crucial insights: firstly, guided by Neo-Confucian discourse positing appearance as a manifestation of innate energy (氣), men's dress was deliberately designed to demarcate stylistic distinctions in women's dress; secondly, the Chinese gwan (冠) was employed as a tool of self-cultivation (修身) to symbolize the legitimacy of Joseon's Neo-Confucian governance; and thirdly, sim-ui (深衣), a philosophical emblem of Confucianism extensively represented across through an intensified exploration of historical sources, served as a means to consolidate the political standing of the Neo-Confucian faction. As a consequence of these factors, the attire of noble men conferred upon them both sexual and moral ascendancy as political entities; men's dress became a visual manifestation of the legitimacy of their power, thus embodying Neo-Confucian ideals. This study carries significance by applying a discourse analysis approach to Korean dress research and elucidating the factors underlying the development of men's dress during the Joseon Dynasty.

• 대한간호학회지
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• 제27권3호
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• pp.531-540
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• 1997

The purpose of this study is to reinterpretate the history of nursing and health care from the view-point of post-structuralism. It has been emphasized that the development of modern health care has been due to the progressive efforts of medicine and to medical discoveries. Medicine has dominated the history of health care rather than nursing or other health professions. The present study adopts the post-structural method by Foucault, which tries to unite language and knowledge. Foucault examines "the institutionalization of knowledge and the power exerted thereby, with special reference to the devices of social regulation and their function over the madness, the disease, the crime, and the sexuality. " The concept of power in Foucault's writing is that it is exerted spontaneously in verbal behaviors of individuals through knowledge of everyday life such as definition of body or mind, sexuality and relationship of family. Therefore as to the problem of power, this study tries to understand the meaning of the health care history through an analysis of the formation of medical discourse. In order to have authority in a power relation, the medical professional asserts that medical discourse is the most scientific knowledge. The authority of medical professionals can be reinforced by the fact that male medical professionals outnumber female. Devaluation of nursing care is reinforced by the medicine which has the legitimate authority through use of the political skills.

• 대한안전경영과학회지
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• 제7권3호
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• pp.1-15
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• 2005

Recently in Korean Society, risk and safety has become a central discourse in not only the social and natural science but also political decision making. The efficient organizational management contributes to controlling the risk factors in the workplace. For the management is influenced and improved by the organizational culture, the alternatives more than simply improving the work environment or enforcing the education of safety on each workers are required. This study was the status of safety culture in organizational members(managers and workers, and specialist) including the attitude on the safety atmosphere and risk perception, and experiences, knowledges, motivation etc. For this part, the method of questionnaire and statistical analysis are mobilized. The degree of safety commitment of organization members appears relatively high (3.97 in five scale estimation), but there are variations in this results according to socio-demographic characteristics. At the same time, managers and professionals actively participation in the program related to safety than workers in production/sales. The higher income level and career is the more attention to the safety is. Based on this survey, we make an rough suggestion of several tasks to the policy -makers: improvement of communication on the risk and safety is required and in particular, the workers in the relatively low level in production/sales. The education system about safety which is, with one-side, provided by government or managers turns out to be inefficient. Rather, small group performance of the organizational members which they participate in the communication with interaction in the various discourse are able to provoke the safety mood in workplace.

• 영어영문학
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• 제53권2호
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• pp.203-218
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• 2007

The early eighteenth century witnessed the birth of homosexuality as an identity and the emergence of a homosexual subculture in Britain. The homosexual subculture revealed itself through identified walkways and parks, gestures by which men might signal their interests to each other, and meeting places called "molly houses" where homosexuals could gather in relative safety. As early as 1703 the homosexuals seem to have overrun London. Homosexuals in eighteenth-century Britain provides a figure on which a variety of social anxieties could be displaced. Homosexuality is partly sexual transgression; mostly, it represents a variety of class, national, political transgressions. The association of British homosexuality with the fashion for Italian tastes was commonplace, and the growth of homosexuality was regarded as the greatest threat to the glorious Britain by destroying all its masculine virtues. Homosexuality was widely believed to be particularly common among the aristocracy and to be symptomatic of the increasing depravity of that class. The radicals in eighteenth-century Britain did not hesitate to exploit the surge in homophobia. They identified aristocratic patronage as one of the aristocratic practices that encouraged homosexuality and thus stigmatized the sort of male bonding that helped sustain aristocratic hegemony.

• 대순사상과 동아시아종교
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• 제3권1호
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• pp.87-108
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• 2023

From the time it was propagated to Vietnam until it was forced to relinquish its leadership position in both politics and philosophy, Confucianism in Vietnam was never orthodox Confucianism. This study employs the theory of invented tradition to examine how Confucianism penetrated the ethnic Vietnamese community at the turn of the first millennium and points out its vital requirement: the construction of a Chinese-style centralized administrative government based on Neo-Confucianism. This requirement unfolded during the Le So Dynasty in the fifteenth century. Moreover, the theory of invented tradition can also be applied to discover the motivation behind Neo-Confucianism's process of manufacturing orthodoxy to speed up the goal of Sinicization. Somehow, the launching of the imperial examination system, meant to fulfill a system of bureaucracy, ended up resolving one of the greatest challenges of medieval times. It is to seek the ruler's uncritical submission to the ruled. This article applies hauntology to analyze two forms of Confucianism discourse in Vietnam. In doing so, this study determined that Confucianism evolved into its own unique system of thought in Vietnam and in the end, was not even recognizable as Confucianism. Throughout Vietnam's turbulent history, Confucianism shifted from a symbol of progress to one of backwardness. This culminated Vietnam's preoccupation with the de-Sinicization during the early twenty-first century.