• English & American cultural studies
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.207-232
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• 2014

Scholars have considered Chaucer's House of Fame mostly as an ars poetica, in which the poet explores new poetic principles and subject matters, while making few attempts to understand the poem in its historical and social contexts. Investigating the nature of the "tidings" that Chaucer suggests as the new source of his poetic inspiration, this paper argues that the house of Rumor was modeled after late fourteenth century English society that experienced increased appetite for news. The political upheaval during the period from the English Rising in 1381 to the reign of Henry IV in the early fifteenth century produced an unprecedented amount of written and oral propaganda. The proliferation of seditious rumors as well as protests and promulgations during this period indicates how seriously medieval society was engaged with the circulation of news. Particularly, the case of John Shirle in 1381 and the legend about the survival of Richard II demonstrate the subversive power of medieval rumor that often served as a political discourse with which people expressed their oppositions to government. Conspicuous in the activities of both the government and late medieval political protestors was the extensive use of writing. The posting of bills in public places continued until the fifteenth century, when such activities became so common and dangerous that the government had to issue proclamations forbidding the circulation of such seditious writings. The number of extant royal proclamations, written protests, and pamphlets demonstrates that already in the late fourteenth and fifteenth centuries the notion of a discursive public space began to emerge. Whether written or orally transmitted, news and rumor circulated in late medieval England, creating a social space in which people shared their political opinions before the introduction of the early modern print culture. In The House of Fame Chaucer calls attention to the subversiveness of rumor, its potential as a public discourse, and the power of written communication in creating truth in order to appropriate these characteristics for his English poems.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.55 no.6
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• pp.1035-1056
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• 2009

Korean adoptee narratives have proliferated over the last ten years as adopted Koreans have begun to represent their own experiences of violent dislocation, displacement and loss in various forms of literary and artistic works, including poems, autobiographical works, novels, documentaries and films. These narratives by Korean adoptees have intervened in the current diaspora discourse to question further the traditional categories of race, ethnicity, culture and nation by representing the unique experiences of the forced and involuntary migration of adopted Koreans. For a long time, the adoption discourse has been mostly constructed from the perspectives of adoptive parents. Therefore the voice of adoptees as well as that of the birth mothers have not been properly heard or represented in adoption discourse. According to Hosu Kim, the U. S. adoption discourse, feeling pressured to deal with the stigma of the commodification of children, changed from viewing the adoptees as children who had been rescued from poverty and abandonment to considering them as a gift from the birth mothers. With the emergence of the gift rhetoric in transnational adoption, the birth mothers erased from adoption discourse have begun to be acknowledged as one of the central characters in the adoption triad. If Korean adoptees are the "the ghostly children of Korean history," the birth mothers are their "ghostly doubles" who "bear the mark of a repressed national trauma." Somebody's Daughter represents the female experiences of becoming an adopted child and of being a birth mother. In particular, the novel makes a birth mother, the forgotten presence in adoptee narratives, into a central figure in the triangular relationship created by international adoption. The novel historicizes the experiences of a Korean adoptee growing up in America as well as those of a mother who had suffered silently from feelings of unbearable loss, guilt, grief and from unforgettable memories. In addition, narrating the birth mother's story is a way to give humanity back to these forgotten women in Korean adoption history. Revisiting the site of loss both for a mother and a daughter through the novel is an act of collective mourning. The narratives about and by Korean adoptees force Korean intellectuals to reflect seriously upon Korean society and its underlying ideology which prevents a woman from mothering her own baby, and to take an ethical and political stand on this current social and political issue.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.65-79
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• 2013

This paper examines communication patterns of key Twitter users by considering the socially and politically controversial Sejong City issue in South Korea. The network and message data were drawn from twtkr.com. Social network-based indicators and visualization methods were used to analyze political discourse among key Twitter users over time and illustrate various types of Tweets by these users and the interconnection between these key users. In addition, the study examines general Twitter users' participation in the discussion on the issue. The results indicate that some Twitter profiles of media outlets tend to be very dominant in terms of their message output, whereas their Tweets are not likely to be circulated by other users. Noteworthy is that Twitter profiles of individuals who are geographically affiliated with the issue are likely to play an important role in the flow of communication.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.15-29
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• 2009

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.7 no.3
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• pp.199-204
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• 2019

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.59 no.3
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• pp.253-280
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• 2007

This study explores the discoures of family and family policy in the legislative process of Strong Family Act. Critical discourse analysis was used. The results are follows. The Strong Family Act made family issue as a political agenda in spite of much critics. The characteristics of the family discourse in "strong family camp": 1) The emphasis on the moral principle in family 2) denial of deinstitutionalization of family 3) regarding the family problem as a moral and individual problem 4) regarding the state as managing and controling the family. The characteristics of the family discourse in "critical camp": 1) strong family discourse is related to "the family" ideology 2) regarding the family problem as a social, structural problem 3) regarding the state as subsiding, supplementing families. The characteristics of the family policy discourse in "strong family camp": 1) casual efficiency as justifying logics 2) family policy as means to recover family values 3) deunifying the family policy. On the one hand, the characteristics of the family policy discourse in "critical camp": 1) social consensus and academic discussion as justifying logics 2) regarding the family policy as a means of gender equality and strategical point of welfare state expansion. The discourse of family and family policy, especially 'Strong Family Discourse" resulted in conjugation of nationalism and neoliberalism.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.41 no.6
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• pp.117-128
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• 2013

This study aims to examine various discourses of the urban landscape discussed in the fields of new cultural geography, spatial political economy, and landscape architecture in order to propose a theoretical framework for the interpretation of a contemporary urban landscape. The notion of landscape is a modern idea that separates humans, especially the bourgeois subject, from nature, and then achieves the visual possession of nature. New cultural geographers have studied the political aspects of landscape. According to them, landscape as materialized discourse is "a way of seeing" which includes the vision of the upper class, the imperialistic view, and the masculine and voyeuristic gaze. In addition, spatial political economists have paid attention to the economic aspects of landscape. They have emphasized that the material production of landscape is indispensable in the production of surplus values in the capitalistic system. Thus, we insist focusing dialectically on both the materiality and ideology of landscape.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.27-43
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• 2009

A ban on political podcasting during the General Elections 2006 in Singapore was justified by the Singaporean government on the grounds that the new medium had a greater power to influence voters than traditional modes of political discourse. A between-subjects controlled experiment was conducted to test whether podcasts of political speeches had a greater power to influence voters' evaluations of political candidates and likelihood of voting for them than online text-based transcripts of the same speeches. The study also examined whether mere exposure to political speeches online, irrespective of the modality, had an effect on voters' more general political preferences, i.e. the likelihood of support and voting for the opposition. The findings suggest that political podcasts were no more persuasive than text-based websites and that the effects on political preferences, if any, were likely due the exposure to political content online, not because of the nature of the medium. The implications of the findings are discussed.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.50
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• pp.164-186
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• 2010

Korean society, suffered from a severe currency crisis in 1997, had scarcely missed another market meltdown in 2008. However, neither economic fundamentals nor has political stability little to do with the recent crises. This paper thus projects the possibility of 'self-fulfilling crisis' in which the media took a critical part in amplifying 'crisis discourses.' For the purpose of understanding of media's impact on such a crisis, at first, this paper chose 'September Crisis in 2008' as a case study. While collecting news articles about the crisis, then, total 118 news articles collected from mainstream newspapers such as DongA-ilbo and Money Today have been analyzed in terms of media frame and discourse strategies. Research results showed that not only has the crisis discourse been shifted by economic situations, but the media re-constructed economic realities in way of justifying their political ideology and loyal readership. Taking those findings into consideration, in final, the authors urged the media to improve their performance by embracing more responsible and professional manners.

• The Journal of Korea Institute of Information, Electronics, and Communication Technology
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.213-222
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• 2016

The policy agenda setting is the symbolic policy of representing the public at home and abroad in addition to what a role of the government and the ruling party made a great contribution out of a political stream, rather than the policy that was formed by external group. Especially, a policy for migrant workers and married immigrant women is the important policy that will need to be solved in the global era. Accordingly, the purpose of this study is to confirm a factor, which had a decisive influence upon a policy, by examining the decision-making process of 'policy for the married immigrant women' with which the government pushes ahead. A specific plan for achieving this research objective is as follows. It progresses a theoretical discussion about the multi-cultural policy in south Korea and discusses the process that the multi-cultural policy is formed. The advancing stage includes the process of forming a multi-cultural discourse, the differentiation process that a multi-cultural discourse is diversely formed, and the process of being made a policy of multi-cultural discourse, which had been formed by section.