• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.81
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• pp.122-152
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• 2017

The media movement is a movement to separate from the political power and to dismantle the media power and to seek the control of citizens' media. Political power is the biggest factor that violates the fairness and independence of the media in the public domain. On the other hand, the factor that interferes with the healthy and responsible media of the press in the private sector is the media power originating from the owner. Citizens 'media campaign emphasizes citizens' mobility as a subject that monitors the political power and media power that have the sovereignty of the media belonging to the citizen and may infringe on this sovereignty.In the Lee Myung Bak - Park Geun Hye regime, the civil press movement was a period of resistance and struggle. Citizen media campaigns have completely collapsed with governance. As a result, the intellectuals who have expertise in the media have lost their place in the discussion and presentation of the policy alternatives in which the policy production is centered. The influence of citizen media organizations, which are centered on activists rather than citizen's direct action, is limited. In order to strengthen the power of the media reform, it is necessary to reconstruct social forces such as civil society, media unions, media organizations and political forces. We should also look for various ways in which citizens can participate actively in the agenda and activities of the movement. In addition, it is necessary to expand the movement of the media.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.43
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• pp.7-46
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• 2008

The purpose of this essay explores a critical review of the Korean critical communication studies focused on the problematic of cultural studies and political economy in 2000s. The findings are as follows; The 'consumer turn' or 'audience turn' in new revisionism modelling John Fiske's cultural studies has been interpreted not to complement but to substitute the necessary criticism of the post-authoritarian media establishment of Korea at that time, arising identity crisis of Korean cultural studies as one of the critical camp. On other side, however, some political economy studies close to the unilinear theses of orthodox marxism has been appraised to neglect the complex process and structure of media and cultural production as well. While the press war between the market-dominant dailies and some progressive dailies has given rise to a whole debate as expected in consolidating period of Korean emerging democracy, the conjucturalism as modelled by Hall's 'authoritarian populism' failed to initiate a new theo tical practice in Korea. Finally, this review essay propose the some new research issues that would converge cultural studies and political economy, modernism and postmodernism; citizenship vs 'cultural citizenship'(valuing the private identity and gender) or Habermasian public sphere vs 'cultural public sphere', the culture of production, (modern)citizen/(postmodern)consumer(recently debated in English media policy), 'differentiation' in capitalist production and 'difference' in consumer sovereignty, 21c future vision of public service broadcasting as one of the 20c institutions.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.1-56
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• 2009

It is generally acknowledged that Philippines politics has achieved a basic soil for democracy at the macro-level by the two incidents of 'People Power' (1986 & 2001). However, in spite of such an achievement, Philippine politics at the micro-level, does not enjoy the same reputation. Institutionalized 'Bossism' or 'patron/clientelism' political culture has been attributed to make such a gap. This paper aims to bridge the gap by a longitudinal observation on local politics of a particular province in the Philippines. Surigao del Norte is the province picked up for the study. The reason why this particular province attracts special concerns is that there appears to come a very dynamic local politics, led by an indigenous Christian organization, the PBMA (Philippines Benevolent Missionary Association), which was founded in the mid 1960s. With the coming of the organization in the province, the political power of the traditional families has been narrowed. On the other hand, new families, not only the leader family of the PBMA but also the family allied with the PBMA, has expanded political influence. Following steps are adopted to understand the meaning of such a change. First, institutional frame of Philippine politics and elections will be reviewed. Second, demographic changes will be investigated on Surigao del Norte province to find out how popular the PBMA organization is among the people. Third, local election outcomes will be examined to describe the changing nature of political landscape of the province. This will reveal how the relationship between the old and new families has been developed in the province. Lastly, based on the facts discovered by a longitudinal observation, an attempt to evaluate theories on Philippines politics will be made Conclusions are as follows. To understand the dynamics of Philippine politics, 'expectations from the below,' or, 'passions of the people,' suggested by Ileto, needs more attention. Furthermore, 'mutual accommodation' between domination and resistance, coined by Abinales, also demands more appreciation. The case of local politics in the Surigao del Norte, with the coming of the PBMA, is sure to show a concrete example of changing politics in the 'changeless land.'

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.21-30
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• 2016

Autonomia movement that emerged in Italy in the 1960s from workerist (operaismo) communism gives historical and discursive context to Manfredo Tafuri's famous criticism of ideology. His thesis on the death of architecture was a radical criticism of Keynesian intervention which was a strategy to cope with the Great Depression. For him, this capitalist development had taken away ideological prefiguration from architecture. At least Tafuri's this early intellectual phase was formed in the wake of magazine Contrapiano and Antonio Negri's influence. Tafuri almost entirely adapted Negri's thought on the importance of capitalist innovation that was uncovered by Keynes, Schumpeter, and Manheim and the periodization in modern history. When we read Tafuri's text with this concrete context, we can avoid being plunged into his abstruseness. On the other hand, 1980's Korea cannot understand Tafuri comprehensibly. 1980's situation to struggle to acquire democracy prescribed only one mode of reception of Tafuri's historiography in Korea. Tafuri's so-called pessimist view point could not satisfy student activists. They want to take intellectual means to sustain student movement and to secure political dynamics of protest. But at the same time they have anxiety to understand tafuri's thesis that they consider ad a critical theory for Korean Architecture. Double contexts of Tafuri's criticism of ideology bring to light to historicize both Tafuri's historiography itself and reception of his text in Korea.

• The Journal of Information Systems
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• v.30 no.3
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• pp.113-135
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• 2021

Purpose This study aims to measure the effects of media literacy education through the social science method and find out the impact of media literacy education on digital citizenship in Korea and its implications for the development of democracy. Design/methodology/approach This study used an independent t-test to analyze relativeness between media literacy education and media literacy factors. We also adopted an independent t-test to investigate media literacy influence on digital citizenship. Furthermore, we found out age differences using 'the one-way analysis of variance (the one-way ANOVA)'. Findings We have found four media literacy factors, MC, CT, C&P, R&R, have been significantly affected by media literacy education. We have also pulled out three digital citizenship factors, IPA, TS, and CP, involved in media literacy education. Moreover, we have analyzed our survey by different age groups. The lower the age, the higher the TS. CP was highest among those from 30 to 59, followed by those under the 30s.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.2
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• pp.77-101
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• 2000

This paper seeks to activate the discussion on the 'University and College Archives', which are to be established under the provision of 'the Law on the management of the records of public institutions' which are going to be enforced from 2000. For this purpose, we need to know about the university archives: what is university archives, how that was developed, and what's the meaning of university archives in academic society. Because we can find out exactly the flaw of the discussion on university archives, having been discussed nowadays, get to know the problems, and can seek the desirable directions to establish university archives through the understanding of the basic characteristics of university archives. The understanding of the general public on the preservation of public records has rapidly improved so that there should be no objection to the premise that we need to preserve, manage, and utilize public records in order to let democracy take root in our society. In the same vein, to preserve the historical records of the university which had played a leading role in the democratization of our society will serve as a foundation to fix the identity of the university by recognizing the socio-political functions of the university and culture of it in this rapidly changing society. And the records to be preserved in the archives, especially university archives, which include various aspects of the university and students, will promote the democratization of the university itself which has been questioned in several universities recently.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.273-295
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• 2017

The Philippines in 2016 showed the highest GDP growth rate among Southeast Asian countries, in spite of domestic and international turbulence caused by the war on drugs and unexpected foreign policies after Duterte's presidency. The social contexts and political dynamics behind 'Duterte phenomenon' have raised key questions and issues to other countries including Korea, as to democracy and politics in current neoliberal challenges. The Philippines' choices for independent foreign policy and challenges against existing hegemony would continue to draw attention, particularly on whether this would end in an experiment of a country or initiate an alternative power block among neighboring countries and ASEAN communities.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.5 no.2
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• pp.67-80
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• 2013

A widely shared view identifies civil society with the set of nonprofit or nongovernmental organizations. This tradition reflects a long history of social theory viewed in institutional terms. Myanmar society has developed, mainly based on Buddhist culture and tradition. Buddhist practice necessitates public validation within an economy of merit in which moral action earns future rewards. Myanmar private voluntary associations have, since ancient times, played a vital role in achieving social purposes. Buddhist monasteries were the main education institutions in Myanmar. Until today, monastic schools, or monastic education centers as they are often called, have been the most important civil-society institutions bridging the accessibility gap in the state-run education system in government-controlled areas. Apart from social or community based that serve for public health in Myanmar there has been a number of religious organizations serving for the same. Moreover there appeared an association to very differently help those who need much urgent help. Since military coup in 1962, however, successive regimes have sought to stamp out civil society and permit only state-controlled organizations. Civil society re-emerged during the nation-wide pro-democracy demonstrations in 1988. After 1988 civil societies are allowed as like a political party to form. Now a day some civil societies have worked to start small-scale projects addressing local problems, but they must stay clear of politics.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.5-31
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• 2024

The US-led and European partners supporting liberal international order has dwindled. A number of research has been conducted to explore reasons, starting point, the possibility of resurrection, and even the future scenarios of the international order. This is particularly important for the EU, in that the EU was built for a world that is peaceful, multilateral and driven by compromise inseparable from the liberal international order. The current situation of the crisis in the international order is also important to emerging powers notably China and Russia which seek for a new order best suitable for their own interests. In this sense, this paper explains the significance of the liberal international order to the EU, the necessity of salvaging an order or creating a new order, and important variables - elections held in 2024 across the EU, in the European Parliament, and the US, Russia's invasion of Ukraine, trans-atlantic partnership and EU-China relations - which possibly affect the EU to establish a new European order. In fact, the EU is unlikely to take the lead in forming a new international order. Nonetheless, the first task the EU should do is to acknowledge the crisis situation at present and to make a decision of the EU's position and role regarding saved, reformed or newly shaped order.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.4
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• pp.203-239
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• 2006

As it is known, during the Second World War Greece has fought on the side of the allies and the end of the war found the country on the winners' side. However, the struggle for authority right after 1945 was merciless and extremely difficult, as well as dangerous for the course of the country to the future. The political powers were divided between the legal authorities that were represented by the king and formed the exiled government on the one hand and the part of the resistance teams and the rebels of the left that had a soviet friendly direction on the other. Thus, the start of a civil war was just a matter of time. It fin ally started in 1947 and lasted for more than two years. The consequences were disastrous for the country's economy and decisive for the future course of Greece. The national army prevailed with the help of, mostly, the English. Royal parliamentary democracy was established with a clear political turn to the west, as a completion and adaptation of the Agreement of the Great Powers at Yalta. Art had a 'similar' route. Dipolar, contradictory: conservative choices on the one side, and a will for pioneering inspiration and perspective on the other side. The 'dominate' trend was first evident in sculpture and mainly in the public monuments. Their construction aimed mostly at the public propaganda and at the promotion of the sovereign ideology. On the one side we have the public sculptures composed of faces of contemporary heroes or leading figures of the civic war and the national resistance. On the other side we have monumental statues mainly that appeal to a 'public' outside of the country's borders and mostly of the north borders, where there are countries with a communistic regime, like Bulgaria, Serbia and Albania. Their subject is derived from the heroic events of the Balkan Wars (1912-1913) and ancient historical figures like Alexander the Great as the Greek army leader, his father, Philippos II and Aristotle, who was of a north-Greek origin. The political message is twofold: on the one side the 'inner enemy' the communists that were defeated and the promotion of the new liberal social system and on the other side the north neighbours, which not only represent the East Block, but they also conspire the history and the culture of the Greeks. This is the way how the 'Cold War' was resulted in a full and totalitarian expression in art.