The information system fields of spatial applications have rapidly grown during the last decade in Korea. Spatial data has been produced for a variety of systems without common standards until national GIS Committee defined the data exchange formats among spatial databases in the middle of 1990's. It aimed at promoting data sharing between the different systems in similar application fields. However, a considerable number of databases built prior to the introduction of the standards are not yet standard compliant but still play the roles of the main producers/consumers in the data collection field such as early developed huge AM/FM systems maintained by governmental organizations. The strong autonomy of these databases keeps their own data models, formats and descriptions from being standardized, which leads the sharing to a more difficult stage. Sharing is another way of data acquisition with least efforts and time away from direct collection. A data clearinghouse is the core module which directs users to the relevant data resources. The contents of datasets should be described with predefined metadata standards for precise indexing. Moreover, a number of technical problems have to be resolved for the common use of data between heterogeneous spatial database systems. However, the technical issues can be covered by the present information technologies. The difficulties persist in the political/institutional issues. Institutional issues are derived from the diverse sources such as political background, governmental policies, related laws and/or regulations. The paper will firstly make an analysis of current situation in terms of Korean policies, laws and regulations, secondly abstract the institutional issues from the situation analysis, lastly present guidelines for promoting spatial data sharing in Korea.
The $Fe_3O_4$-core and Ag-shell ($Fe_3O_4@Ag$ nanoeggs) were prepared through the encapsulation of 3-aminopropyltriethoxysilane-coated magnetite nanoparticle in nano-Ag shell by a simple chemically controlled procedure. The $Fe_3O_4@Ag$ nanoeggs were characterized by scanning electron microscopy, transmission electron microscopy, UV-vis spectrum and superconducting quantum interference device magnetometer, respectively. A detailed analysis is provided of how the hydrolysis and condensation of 3-aminopropyltriethoxysilane and the pH value are vital in fabricating the $Fe_3O_4@Ag$ nanoeggs. The prepared $Fe_3O_4@Ag$ nanoeggs possessed uniform size, improved monodispersity, stability against aggregation and high magnetization, which were utilized for the detection of latent fingerprints deposited onto different surfaces. The experimental results showed that the latent fingerprints developed with the $Fe_3O_4@Ag$ nanoeggs powders exhibited excellent ridge details with minimal background staining.
Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
/
v.35
no.12
/
pp.1409-1417
/
2011
This study examines King Louis XVI costumes and his portraits according to symbolic meanings. This study analysis of costumes comes from portraits related various domestic and overseas literature, preliminary study papers, and web sites. Omnipotence, activity, nobility, openness and benevolence were distinguished in the symbolic meaning expressed in the portraits of King Louis XVI. Louis XVI in a portrait was drawn with god or expressed as a martyr and symbolically showed the omnipotence of god. Louis XVI was symbolized as almighty god by maximizing the authority and dignity of the king through the hands of justice that were used as a background or portrait accessory and a costume with the symbol of House of Bourbon. Kings of many generations were expressed as authoritative through portraits. However, Louis XVI showed a proletarian aspect in ordering portraits to reflect the daily working image of communicating with citizens. Active images such as the king riding a horse or administering the state affairs were emphasized in a political and military perspective; in addition, the benevolence of the king was symbolically presented through a family portrait. This symbolically signified that the king is a warm-hearted person who passionately takes care of state affairs and loves the people through a noble element coming from pastel colors and attributes of red colors. Historically, the political incompetence and indifference of kings was fragmentally emphasized; however, these portraits considered the king as one who tried to fulfill duties as the true king with a great interest in politics and the people.
This essay examines the first-generation Korean American writer, No-Yong Park's falsehoods about his ethnic identity to suggest how and why he passed for Chinese, and to explore the political, anti-Japanese implications of these actions. The essay first identifies erroneous information circulating about his biographical background, presents some other materials that help us better understand the context in which he forged his Chinese identity, and then examines how he represented himself as Chinese in his published works. I would argue that Park's self-identification as Chinese was a resulting outcome of his naturalization caused by the Japanese colonial power in Korea and also one of his surviving strategies in the racist environment within American society. Looking at some of his works-including Making a New China (1929), An Oriental View of American Civilization (1934), Chinaman's Chance: Autobiography (1940)-and examining how he represented Korea and its people reveal how he tried to raise voice for them. By doing so, this essay illuminates Park's resistance to Japan's colonial discourse and power in Korea while revealing his lifetime passing as Chinese-far from his refusal to belong to the Korean community, or to acknowledge being Korean.
Purpose: After the reform and opening up, China's overall economic development has entered a new era. From mutual investment and trade transactions between domestic provinces and regions to investment and trade with foreign companies, the continuous supplement of investment funds makes the follow-up development of all aspects of economic development smoother and has played a strong impetus. effect. Foreign direct investment has many influences on the economic development of a country or region. Research design, data and methodology: This article uses the sample data of Shandong Province from 2011 to 2019 to analyze the foreign direct investment in Shandong Province by industry, region, method and other aspects, and study the relationship and influence between foreign direct investment and economic growth. Results: The results show that there is a relatively close relationship between foreign direct investment and economic growth, and it has played a role in promoting economic development in many aspects such as industrial structure, foreign trade, and employment. Conclusions: At the same time, corresponding suggestions are put forward based on the analysis and conclusions drawn.
Background: The public now imposes higher demands on the government than in the past, which has created the role overload faced by low-ranking government employees in China. This research investigates the relationship between role overload and health among low-ranking government employees and explores the mediating effects of burnout. Methods: It draws on a survey of 2064 low-ranking government employees by probability proportionate to size sampling in China's Shandong Province. Structural equation modeling (SEM) methods are used to analyze the data. Results: Both role overload and burnout were found to have negative effects on low-ranking government employees' health; however, the associations varied among the three age groups (less than 36, between 36 and 45, and over 45). Those over 45 reported the highest level of both physical and psychological health, while the youngest age group (less than 36) reported the lowest level of health. Role overload has a direct influence on health among government employees over 45 but not among those below 45. Burnout's mediating effects between role overload and health are significant among all age groups, but most significant among the youngest civil servants below 36. Conclusions: The findings evidenced that both role overload and burnout affect low-ranking government employees' self-reported physical and psychological health. In addition, the effect of age differences in coping with role stressors and burnout should be considered.
Korean scientific community has recently argued that, in order to attract talented young people to the science and engineering fields, more ranking positions in the governmental office should be filled in by science and engineering majors. In this context, a special attention has been paid to the Chinese case where science and engineering majors have taken the highest places in Chinese political hierarchy. This paper examines historical and social background of the salience of science and engineering fields in modem China. A closer examination shows that the salience of science and engineering fields was resulted by the distinct historical experiences of China-the socialist reform of higher education system and Cultural Revolution. The former shaped the social conviction that humanities and social sciences are less useful than science and engineering fields. The latter even spread the idea that majoring in humanities or social sciences run the risk of political oppressions. Thus, the salience of science and engineering in China is a social phenomenon reflecting an academic hierarchy forced by the radical politics of modem China. Also, the higher proportion of science and engineering majors in the raking governmental officers has been resulted by a unique Chinese political system, in particular the personnel management system of the Chinese Communist Party that emphasizes practical experiences after college graduation. The comparison of the social position of science and engineering majors in China and Korea without taking account of such historical and social background may therefore mislead our understanding of the cause of and counterplan to the decreasing popularity of science and engineering fields in Korean universities.
Memorials in Joseon Dynasty created a arena where the intellectual and political power met. This thesis traces the process of a certain political faction's rebuilding of the political structure of the elite groups by leading the intellectual controversies through memorials, especially those about the evaluations of Pak Setang(朴世堂) and I Gyeongseok(李景奭). This is what happened: Song Siyeol(宋時烈) submitted a memorial which disputed I Gyeongseok's petition, which provoked complete controversies around the memorials between Noron(老論) and Soron(少論). This led to the academic censorship against Sabyeonrok written by Pak Setang. The analysis of act of writing and submission of memorials by Noron and the role of the Kim Family of An-dong(安東 金門) specifically is the main topic here. The members of Soron ceaselessly criticized Song Siyeol, while the Kim Family strongly defended him. The trigger of the strife was a letter written by Kim Chang-Heup(金昌翕), a member of the Kim Family and the Kims played a significant role in the background during the process of political fights using memorials. The series of memorials criticized or supported certain political figure or his writings, but the opinions of Noron and Soron were directly opposite to each other. Even though the expressed difference was the result of the existing political factions, however, it also caused the new power structure of elite groups. The expressions and logics used in the arguments also have its significance. The Noron's memorials evaluated the contemporary people and their writings based on Chu-Hsi and Song Siyeol, who was regarded as a identical figure of Chu-Hsi. The arguments and writing strategies in this regard gained political strength enough to reorganize the intellectual society by changing alignment of political parties, and this led to the rebuilding of academic environment afterward.
By the middle of 2018 there are signs of China's entry into a new period of development, characterized by a change in the old model: "market reforms-inner-party democratization - moderate foreign policy" to another: "market reforms - Xi Jinping personality cult - offensive foreign policy." This model contains the risks of arising of the contradiction between economic freedom and political-ideological rigidity which can lead to destabilization of the political life. However, in the current positive economic dynamics, these risks may come out, rather, in the medium and long term. Today, the political situation in China remains stable - despite growing dissatisfaction in scientific expert and educational circles due to increased control over the intellectual sphere by the authorities. The need for a new redistribution of power between central and provincial authorities could potentially disrupt political stability in the medium term, but, at the moment, is not a critical negative factor. The economic situation is positive-stable. Forecasts indicate a possible increase in China's GDP in 2018 at 6.5%. At the same time, there are negative expectations in connection with the Sino-US and potentially Sino-European "trade war". In the Chinese foreign policy, as a response to Western pressure, China increasingly uses the Russian direction of its diplomacy in the expanded version of Russia + SCO. The nuance here is seen in China's adjusted approach to the SCO: first of all, not as a mechanism for cooperation with Russia, but as an organization that allows using Russia's potential for pressure on the US in the Sino-US strategic rivalry. In the second half of 2018, the Chinese economy will continue to develop steadily, albeit with unresolved traditional problems (debts of provinces and state-owned enterprises, ineffective state sector, risks on the financial and real estate market). In politics, discontent with the cult of Xi will accumulate, but without real threats to its power. Weakening in economic opposition between China and the United States is possible due to Beijing's search for compromises on tariffs, intellectual property, trade deficit. To find such trade-offs, Xi will use the so-called. "Personal diplomacy" of direct contacts with Trump.
The purpose of this study is to observe the symbolic meaning and the values of the costume which express bisexuality through the definition from a culture point of view. The research method is to contemplate the documentary records such as world history, art history and clothing history, and to recognize the symbolic meaning of a bisexuality in modern fashion design. A definition the word´man and woman´restricted the human being for a long time. This restrict is enforced by the costume, but this traditional fixed idea is retarded by the liberal sense of the human being and the design expresses a sex ambiguity This study inspects the sex ambiguity and the meaning of that through a cultural background and a historical costume. The results are as follows: The first, the cultural background about bisexuality is classified into the etymological point, the mythologic point. the art and philosophical point, the political and economic background, the mass media, and the custome and the regulation. A bisexuality is a concept in existence from ancient times. we have an open-minded attitude about bisexuality in the present than the past. The second, the function of costume is sex classification before 20th century, but since 20th century the costume expresses sex ambiguity. The third, the symbols of the bisexuality are the interminacy, the unity and the dismantling. The costume which expresses bisexuality means coexistence of male sex and female sex. this is a kind of motion to embody a ideal body of the human being. This study makes a contribution to recognize the dignity of human body and to understand the phenomenon of modern society.
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