• Korean Journal of Ecology and Environment
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• v.51 no.2
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• pp.149-159
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• 2018

Twenty-nine wetlands (20 river type and 9 lake type wetlands) in Gyeongsangnam-do were investigated to understand the characteristics of fish assemblages by the wetland type and to suggest management strategies. As a result, $10.3{\pm}4.8$ species were collected from river type wetlands on average (${\pm}SD$) and $9.1{\pm}4.1$ species from lake type wetlands. Thus, there was no significant difference in the number of species between them (Mann-Whitney U test, P>0.05). However, the species that constitute the fish assemblage showed statistically significant differences between the two wetland types (PERMANOVA, Pseudo-F=2.9555, P=0.007). Furthermore, the species that contribute the most to each type of fish assemblage were Zacco koreanus (river type, 28.51%) and Lepomis macrochirus (lake type, 23.21%), respectively (SIMPER). The results of the NMDS analysis using the fish assemblage by place classified the species into three groups (river type, lake type, and others). The current wetland management is only focused on endangered species, but this study shows a difference in fish assemblage by wetland type. Therefore, a management system based information on endemic species, exotic species and major contribution species should be provided. Furthermore, the classification of some types of wetlands based on the present topography was found to be ambiguous, and wetland classification using living creatures can be used as a complementary method. This study has limitations because only two types of wetlands were analyzed. Therefore, a detailed management method that can represent every type of wetland should be prepared through the research of all types of wetlands in the future.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Science and Nutrition
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.73-80
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• 1973

1. Generally speaking, our people have been carrying out the government policy of using grains other than rice comparatively well. But it is desirable that the government heirs the whole nation as well as the farmers to understand better the scientific meaning of using foods made from the flour of various grains. This will greatly improve the nation's eating habits, for it will make people discard the habit of eating only boiled-rice, which will not only improve our national health but will also increase the national income. 2. For the purpose of improving health and developing intellectual faculties of our mind, we had better, if possible, get much protein from plants(especially beans) which we can obtain more readily than from animals. However if we must use animal protein, we should dependonly on livestock. Pregnant women and new-born children must not be in ill health because of malnutrition caused by following groundless superstitions about foods: for example, some religions forbid the use very healthful foods or some traditional conventions do the blend of certain foods together with other victuals. 3. It is good that we conquer the difficulty of living in the season of spring poverty by having other substitute for regular victuals. But it requires us to pay a careful attention to the food and to do research on many foods problems such as food pollution. Farmers should cooperate with each other and help those who have very little arable land, or even those who have no place for cultivating, to grow miscellaneous cereals on the land which other farmers don't use that year. 4. On the whole, farmers have a good appetite for any, food, whatever it is. Neverthless, because they aren't econmically well-off, they generally eat hot meals only for breakfast and supper in the busy faming season. They eat a tepid lunch which, they think saves time and cooking fuel. In conclution, I feel sorry that many village farmers still steeped in conventional thought and superstition are inclined to have an unbalanced diet of boiled-rice and that they continue not to use the floor from other grains all the year round. when these unscientific dieting customs mentioned above are discarded, we will be able to enjoy good health, better knowledge or intellegence, and higher income. Then we will ba able to make our present lives more self-reliant and self-supporting.

• Journal of agricultural medicine and community health
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.65-77
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• 1999

In order to estimate the utilization pattern of a rural health subcenter, and to identify the recognition for it among the farmhouse members in a suburban area, a questionnaire survey was carried out for objects of 696 population. The results observed were as follows: The annual utilization rate of rural health subcenter for a basic health service unit was 25.0 per 100 persons, and annual mean visiting times was 0.22 times. And the most frequent disease by annual health subcenter utilization illness was musculoskeletal disease(30.6%), and the next was respiratory disease(14.1%), gastrointestinal disease(13.9%) by order. Favorite reason for community health subcenter utilization were near distance from living place(49.6%), lower disease severity(18.9%) and lower medical cost(18.1%) by order. But disfavoring reasons for it were absence of specialist(20.2%), non effective treatment(19.2%) and insufficient equipment(14.7%) by order. And insufficient items about community health subcenter utilization were restriction of treatment limit(40.7%), lower reliance(22.5%) and difficulty in traffic(13.4%) by order. The results of logistic regression analysis suggested that statistically significant factors in health subcenter utilization was educational level. The desirable works for the health subcenter in a suburban area were disease control of elderly and disease preventing service. These results suggested that to increase the utilization of rural health subcenter in a suburban area and to promote the accessibility of rural residents to primary health care, there must be considered public relation about health subcenter, improvement of medical quality and change of priority about health subcenter's works.

• The Korean Journal of Ecology
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• v.27 no.3
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• pp.165-171
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• 2004

Weight loss and nutrients dynamics during decomposition of oak roots (diameter classes: R₁〈0.2㎝, 0.5㎝〈R₂〈1㎝, 1㎝〈R₃〈2㎝, 2㎝.〈R₄〈4㎝) (Quercus acutissima) were studied for 33-months in Kongiu, Korea. After 33-months, decomposition rate of R₁, R₂, R₃ and R₄ was 49.6%, 47.5%, 66.4% and 66.1%, respectively. The decomposition constant(k) for R₁, R₂, R₃, and R₄ was 0.249/yr, 0.234/yr, 0.397/yr and 0.393/yr, respectively. Larger diameter class of the root lost more weight than smaller diameter class. N concentration in decomposing oak roots increased in all diameter classes. After 33-months, remaining N in R₁, R₂, R₃ and R₄ was 66.5%, 80.7%, 84.4% and 44.4%, respectively. K concentration in decomposing oak roots decreased in early part of decomposition and then increased in later stage of decomposition. After 33-months, remaining P in R₁, R₂, R₃ and R₄ was 64.7%, 62.4%, 93.1% and 30.7%, respectively. K concentration in decomposing oak roots decreased rapidly in early stage of decomposition. Remaining K in R₁, R₂, R₃ and R₄ was 11.6%, 10.6%, 5.9% and 7.7%, respectively. Ca concentration in decomposing oak roots showed different among diameter classes. After 33-months, remaining Ca in R₁, R₂, R₃ and R₄ was 66.2%, 51.0%, 39.1% and 48.3%, respectively. Initial concentration of Mg in oak root was higher in smaller diameter class. After 33-months, remaining Mg in R₁, R₂, R₃ and R₄ was 15.3%, 29.9%, 24.5% and 69.4%, respectively.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Science and Nutrition
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• v.31 no.4
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• pp.703-712
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• 2002

This study was carried out to examine the interest in menu and food purchase of housewives living in Yosu, Chonnam. The survey was conducted by questionnaire including question about general characteristics of the subjects, meal planning and food purchase from October to November in 2000. The major general characteristics of subjects are summarized as follows: The forties was 39%, having a job was 44.5%, a high school education was 53.0%, and 1~2 million won in monthly household income was 50.1%. A couple with children was 75% and a 3~4 headed family was 57%. An apartment resident was 67% and one's own house was 67%. The higher the education level was, the higher the percentage of menu preparation and necessity was significantly (p<0.0001). On grocery purchase, the percent of planned purchase was higher than that of impulse purchase, which was higher in housewives without a job. The subject's favorite place for grocery purchase was a traditional market. The higher the age of subjects and the lower the education level of subjects were, the higher the grocery purchase at a traditional market was. However, the younger subjects and subjects with higher education level preferred to purchase groceries in a mart stores in an apartment, and supermarkets in order (p<0.0001). The factors to be considered during purchasing grocery were freshness of materials, price, nutrient, and taste in order. The results of this study showed that it is necessary to educate older person for importance of planning menu and encourage housewives with a job to plan grocery purchase to provide nutritionally adequate meals at reasonable coast.

• The Journal of the Petrological Society of Korea
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.201-219
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• 2017

The Jinan Basin which includes Maisan locates in the central part of the northern boundary of the Yeongnam Massif. The basement rocks of the Jinan Basin and surrounding area are Precambrian gneiss and Mesozoic granite which were exposed on the surface before Cretaceous. The Jinan Basin, one of the Cretaceous pull-apart basins in South Korea, formed along the Yongdong-Gwangju fault system. Maisan is composed of conglomerate deposited in the eastern slope of the Jinan Basin showing the shape of horse ears and the unusual topography where many tafonies were developed. The strike slip fault that caused the Jinan Basin was connected to the deep depth so that the magma formed at 200 km depth could have extruded on the surface causing active volcanic activity in and around the Jinan basin. As a result, Cheonbansan composed of pyroclastic rocks, Gubongsan consisting of volcanic neck and WoonilamBanilam formed by the lava flow, appear around Maisan forming a specific terrain. After the formation of the Jinan Basin and surrounding volcanic rocks, they uplifted to form mountains including Masian; the uplifting time may be ca. 69-38 Ma. At this time, the Noryeong mountain range may be formed in the regions which extended from Chugaryeong through Muju and Jinan to Hampyeong dividing the Geumgang and Seomjingang water systems. Due to the ecological barrier, the Noryeong mountain range, Coreoleuciscus splendidus living in the Geumgang water systems was differentiated from that in the Soemjingang water system. In addition, the Geumgang and Mangyeong-Dongjingang water systems were separated by the Unjangsan, which developed in the NNW direction. As a result, diverse ecosystem have been established in and around Maisan and at the same time, diverse cultural and historical resources related to Maisan's unique petrological features, were also established. Therefore, Maisan and surrounding area can be regarded as a place where a geotourism can be successfully established by combining the ecological, cultural and historical resources with a geological heritage. Therefore Maisan and surrounding areas have a high possibility to be a National Geopark and UNESCO Global Geopark.

• Sim-seong Yeon-gu
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• v.36 no.1
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• pp.55-86
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• 2021

The initial situation in our tale shows that the earth-mother-feminine principle disappeared from the center of the collective consciousness into the collective unconscious. Therefore the heaven-father-masculine principle is dominant, which is represented by the king. And in the king's daughter, who is living without mother, the positive father complex is working. She stays in the heaven-spirit world playing with the golden ball, which can be seen as the state of inflation. She is disconnected from the earth-mother-feminine principle, which is important for a woman to find her genuine feminine identity. This demanded principle approaches her through the frog, a bewitched prince. Psychologically it means that a man is under the power of the negative mother complex. The disgusting, ugly frog is a symbol for the shadow, the earthly animal instincts of the princess. Only with his help she can find her golden ball again, which has fallen into the deep well. Their talk about the rewards to him for his help shows us very well the opposites. The frog wants the feminine value such as relation, earthly eros, but the princess offers the masculine value such as heavenly logos. After the frog brought her the lost ball, i.e. she regained her libido, she completely forgot her promise. Like this the content, which is becoming conscious, here the shadow, is easy to fall back into the unconscious and to be repressed. The frog cannot be with the princess without the help of the king, a father figure, a firm protector of the collective oder. At first unwillingly the princess obeys Logos of her father. But her authentic instinctual urge grows stronger and it causes that her ego is released from the power of her father complex. At just this moment the frog turns into a prince, i.e. he is liberated from the mother complex. The marriage of princess and frog-prince symbolize the unification of the opposites: heaven becomes earthly and earth becomes heavenly. Three iron bands, wrapped around the heart of Heinrich, a young king's servant, are snapped, while he brings the prince and princess back to his kingdom. The heart, the place of earth-mother-feminine consciousness, is now liberated. This principle, which disappeared into the unconscious, emerged into the collective consciousness and the wholeness is recovered. The Self is now leading the collective consciousness, which includes not only the principle of Logos but also Eros.

• Women's Studies Review
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.3-36
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• 2010

This paper is based on the certain point that 'the indigenous', which have long been occupied by the Asian patriarchy or the local communities, now calls for the repositioning in the feminist context. 'The indigenous', in one part, generally refer to the matured long-standing traditions and practices of certain regional, or local communities, as a mode of a place specific way of endowing the world with integral meaning. In the narrow definition, it points to the particular form of placed based knowledge for survival, for example, the useful knowledge of a population who have lived experiences of the environment. In the other part, 'the indigenous' could be criticized in the gender perspectives because it has been served as an ideological tool for patriarchy and sexism, which have undermined women's body and subjectivity in the name of the Asian traditional community. That's why the feminists with sensitivity to the discourses of it, may perceive it very differently, still hesitating dealing with the problem. However, even if there are tendencies that the conservatives romanticize local traditions and essentialize 'the indigenous', as it were, it does not exist 'out there'. Then, it could be scrutinized in the contemporary context which, especially, needs to seek the possibility towards the alternatively post - develope mental knowledge system. In the face of global economic crisis which might be resulted from the instrumentalized or fragmented knowledge production system, it's holistic conceptions that human, society, and nature should not be isolated from each other. is able to give an insightful thinking. It will work in the restraint condition that we reconceptualize the indigenous knowledge not as an unchanging artefact of a timeless culture, but as a dynamic, living and culturally meaningful system towards the ecofeminstic indigenous knowledge. And then, indigenous renaissance phenomena which empower non-western culture and knowledge system and generate increased consciousness of cultural membership. Thus, this paper argues that the indigenous knowledges which have been underestimated in the western-centered knowledge-power relations, could be reconstructed as a potential resources of ecological civility transnationally which reconnect individuals and societies with nature.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• no.36
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• pp.55-80
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• 2008

Research on the welfare state or income inequality has been concerned with variations in inequality between societies or families. These studies tend to view the family as a unit of shared interests where incomes are pooled and distributed equally. This study makes a theoretical and empirical case for why it is important to look at economic dependency within the family in comparative welfare state research. Using the Luxembourg Income Study data this study examined married women's dependency on their husbands' earnings in 16 western industrialized countries. The constructed measure for married women's level of economic dependency followed the procedure of Sørensen & McLanahan(1987), which stated : "her dependency is measured by the extent to which a woman's standard of living(as determined by her share of income) is derived from a transfer from her husband." The finding suggested that married women's economic dependence was lowest in Scandinavian countries. On the contrary, in Southern Europe countries most married women were dependent on husbands' earnings. In Netherlands, Austria, Germany where the share of part-time work among married women was high, married women's economic dependence was also high. This showed the women's labor force participation did not mean that the majority of couples were equal with respect to earnings, nor that a major shift in the sexual division of labour has taken place. This paper analysed the causal relationship between the married women's economic independence and the welfare state by using Ragin(2000)'s Fuzzy-Set Qualitative Comparative Analysis. This analysis considered the various conditions of the welfare state : namely, left power, union mobilization density, women's mobilization, public service sector employment and generous support on the family. The result showed that powerful union, high level of women's mobilization and the generous support on the family were necessary conditions for 'relatively high' level of married women's economic independence.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.4
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• pp.172-205
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• 2011

Go bears significant meanings in terms of cultural and entertaining functions in Asia Eastern such as China and Japan. Beyond the mere entertaining level, it produces philosophical and mythic discourse as well. As a part of effort to seek an identity of Korean traditional garden culture, this study traced back to find meanings of rock-go-board and taste for the arts which ancestors pursued in playing Go game, through analysis and interpretation of correlation among origin of place name, nearby scenery, carved letters and vicinal handed-down place name. At the same time, their position, shape and location types were interpreted through comprehensive research and analysis of stone-go-boards including rock-go-board. Particularly, it focused on the rock names related to Sundoism(仙道) Ideal world, fixed due to a connection between traces of Sundoism and places in a folk etymology. Series of this work is to highlight features of the immortal sceneries, one of traditional landscaping ideals, by understanding place identity and scenic features of where the rock-go-boards are carved. These works are expected to become foundation for promotion and preservation of the traditional landscaping remains. The contents of this study could be summarized as follows; First, round stone and square board for round sky and angled land, black and white color for harmony of yin and yang and 361paths for rotating sky are symbols projecting order of universe. Sayings of Gyuljungjirak(橘中之樂), Sangsansaho(商山四皓), Nangagosa(爛柯故事) formed based on the idea of eternity stand for union of sky and sun. It indicates Go game which matches life and nature spatiotemporally and elegant taste for arts pursuing beauty and leisure. Second, the stone-go-boards found through this research, are 18 in total. 3 of those(16.1%), Gangjin Weolnamsaji, Yangsan Sohanjeong and Banryongdae ones were classified into movable Seokguk and 15(83.9%) including Banghakdong were turned out to be non-movable rock-go-boards carved on natural rocks. Third, upon the result of materializing location types of rock-go-boards, 15 are mountain stream type(83.9%) and 3 are rock peak type(16.1%). Among those, the one at Sobaeksam Sinseonbong is located at the highest place(1,389m). Considering the fact that all of 15 rock-go-boards were found at mountainous areas lower than 500m, it is recognizable that where the Go-boards are the parts of the living space, not far from secular world. Fourth, there are 7 Sunjang(巡將) Go with 17 Hwajeoms(花點), which is a traditional Go board type, but their existences, numbers and shapes of Hwajeom appear variously. Based on the fact, it is recognizable that culture of making go-board had been handed down for an extended period of time. Among the studied rock-goboards, the biggest one was Muju Sasunam[$80(82)cm{\times}80(82)cm$] while the smallest one was Yangsan Sohandjeong Seokguk ($40cm{\times}40cm$). The dimension of length and breadth are both $49cm{\times}48cm$ on average, which is realistic size for actual Go play. Fifth, the biggest bed rock, an under-masonry with carved Go-board on it, was one in Muju Sasunam[$8.7m{\times}7.5m(65.25m^2)$], followed by ones in Hoengseong Chuiseok[$7.8m{\times}6.3m(49.14m^2$] and Goisan Sungukam[$6.7m{\times}5.7m(37.14m^2)$]. Meanwhile, the smallest rock-go-board was turned out to be one in Seoul Banghak-dong. There was no consistency in directions of the Go-boards, which gives a hint that geographical features and sceneries of locations were considered first and then these were carved toward an optimal direction corresponding to the conditions. Sixth, rock-go-boards were all located in valleys and peaks of mountains with breathtaking scenery. It seems closely related to ancestors' taste for arts. Particularly, rock-go-boards are apprehended as facilities related to taste for arts for having leisure in many mountains and big streams under the idea of union of sky and human as a primitive communal line. Go became a medium of hermits, which is a traditional image of Go-game, and symbol of amusement and entertainment with the idea that Go is an essence of scholar culture enabling to reach the Tao of turning back to nature. Seventh, the further ancient time going back to, the more dreamlike the Go-boards are. It is an evident for that Sundoism, which used to be unacceptable once, became more visible and realistic. Considering the high relation between rock-go-boards and Sundoism relevant names such as Sundoism peak in Danyang Sobaeksan, 4 hermits rock in Muju and Sundoism hermit rock in Jangsu, Sundoism hermit rocks and rock-go-boards are sceneries and observation spots to express a communication of worship and longing for Sundoism. Eighth, 3 elements-physical environment such as location type of the rock-go-boards, human activities concentrated on 8 sceneries and Dongcheongugok(洞天九曲) setup and relevancy to Confucian scholars, as well as 'Sangsansaho' motif and 'Nangagosa' symbolic meaning were used as interpretation tools in order to judge the place identity. Upon the result, spatial investigation is required with respect to Sunyoodongcheon(仙遊洞天) concept based on enjoyment to unify with the nature rather than Dongcheongugok concept of neo-Confucian, for Dongcheon and Dongmoon(洞門) motives carved around the rock-go-boards. Generally, places where mountain stream type rock-go-boards were formed were hermit spaces of Confucianism or Sundoism. They are considered to have compromised one other with the change of times. Particularly, in the rock-go-board at the mountain peak, sublimity-oriented advent of Sundoism is considered as a significant factor to control place identity. Ninth, including where the rock-go-boards were established, the vicinal areas are well-known as parts of Dongcheongugok and Palkyung(八景) mostly. In addition, many of Sundoism relevant expressions were discovered even in the neighboring carvings written by scholars and nobility, which means sophisticated taste based on longing for Sundoism world played a significant role in making go-board. The rock-go-board is an integration of cultural phenomena naturally managed by seclusion of scholars in the Joseon Dynasty as well as remains and essence of Korean traditional landscaping. Some rock-go-boards out of 17 discovered in South Korea, including ones in Sobaeksan Sinsunbong, Banghak-dong, Chungju Gongili, Muju Sasunam, Yangsan Eogokdong Banryongdae Seokguk, are damaged such as cracks in rocks or fainted lines by hardships of time and hand stains. Worse yet, in case of Eunyang Bangudae Jipcheongjeong board, it is very difficult to identify the shape due to being buried. Rock-go-boards are valuable sculptures in terms of cultural asset and artwork since they reflect ancestors' love for nature and longing for Sundoism world. Therefore, they should be maintained properly with right preservation method. Not only rock-boards itself but also peripheral places are excellent cultural heritages and crucial cultural assets. In addition, vicinal sceneries of where rock-goboards and pavilion spots are the representative remains of embracing prototype of Korean traditional landscaping and major parts of cultural properties.