• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.30 no.2
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• pp.146-168
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• 1995

problems involved in defining and identifying it. However, data on ownership of business establishments may be useful and one of the best alternatives for this empirical research because of use of limited information about control This study examines the spatial patterns of external control in the Korean manufacturing activities between 1986 and 1992. Using the data on ownership iinkages of multilocational firms between 15 administrative areas, it was possible to construct a matrix of organizational control in terms of the number of establishments. The control matrix was disaggregated by three types of manufacturing industries according to the capital and labor requirements of production processes used in. On the basis of the disaggregated control matrix, a series of measures were calculated for investigating the magnitude and direction of control as well as the external dependency. In the past decades Korean industrialization development has risen at a rapid pace, deepening integration into the world economy, together with the continuing growth of the large industrial firms. The expanded scale of large firms led to a spatial separation of production from control, Increasing branch plants in the nation. But recent important changes have occurred in the spatial organization of production by technological development, increasing international competition, and changing local labor markets. These changes have forced firms to reorganize their production structures, resulting in changes of the organizational structures in certain industries and regions. In this context the empirical analysis revealed the following principal trends. In general term, the geography of corporate control in Korea is marked by a twofold pattern of concentration and dispersion. The dominance of Seoul as a major command and control center has been evident over the period, though its overall share of allexternally controlled establishments has decreased from 88% to 79%. And the substantial amount of external control from Seoul has concentrated to the Kyongki and Southeast regions which are well-developed industrial areas. But Seoul's corporate ownership links tend to streteh across the country to the less-developed regions, most of which have shown a significant increase of external dependency during the period 1986-1992. At the same time, a geographic dispersion of corporate control is taking place as Kyongki province and Pusan are developing as new increasingly important command and control reaions. Though these two resions contain a number of branch plants controlled from other locations, they may be increasingly attractive as a headquarters location with increasing locally owned establishments. The geographical patterns of external control observable in each of three types of manufacturing industries were examined in order to distinguish the changing spatial structures of organizational control with respect to the characteristics of the production processes. Labor intensive manufacturing with unskilled iabor experienced the strongest external pressure from foreign competition and a lack of low cost labor. The high pressure expected not only to disinte-grate the production process but also led to location of production facilities in areas of cheap labor. The linkages of control between Seoul and the less-developed regions have slightly increased, while the external dependency of the industrialized regions might be reduced from the tendency of organizational disintegration. Capita1 intensive manufacturing operates under high entry and exit barriers due to capital intensity. The need to increase scale economies ied to an even stronger economic and spatial oncentration of control. The strong geographical oncentration of control might be influenced by orporate and organizational scale economies rather than by locational advantages. Other sectors experience with respect to branch plants of multilocational firms. The policy implications of the increase of external dependency in less-developed regions may be negative because of the very share of unskilled workers and lack of autonomy in decision making. The strong growth of the national economy and a scarcity of labor in core areas have been important factors in this regional decentralization of industries to less-developed regions. But the rather gloomy prospects of the economic growth in the near future could prevent the further industrialization of less-developed areas. A major rethinking of regional policy would have to take place towards a need for a regional policy actively favoring indigenous establishments.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.31 no.1
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• pp.1-18
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• 1996

This study examines the spatial characteristics of postal office patronage in rural areas. in the light of future possible relocation and closures of the postal facilities. Most of private services have flown out small rural central places due to the decrease of supporting population, and there consequently remain only a few public services including government-run post offices at the Myon seats, the lowest level among rural central places in Korea. The small local population and its further decline undermine the rationale for maintaining such public services in depleted rural areas. For the worse of it, the government recently plans to transform the postal system to a quasi-private, corporational structure. One can fear that the profit-seeking nature of the new postal corporation will inevitably force to close many of such small rural facilities. The study first analysed nation-wide censuses of postal offices for the years of 1986 and 1992. The postal services examined are per capita number of postal stamps and revenue stamps sold, and letters, parcels, telegrams and monetary transactions handled at the post offices. It is found that, while the usage of postal services has increased substantially throughout the nation during the period of 1986-1992, the increment has largely been occurred by urban post offices rather than by those in Gun seats (i.e., rural counties); and that the gap of the service levels between urban and rural post offices is ever widening. The study further examined the service differentials among the post offices within rural counties to find that those post offices adjacent to the county (Gun) seats and larger urban centers rendered less amount of services than remote rural post offices, indicating that rural residents tend to partonize larger centers more and more than local Myon seats. At the second stage of the study, questionnaire surveys were conducted in Muju, Kimpo, and Hongsung-Gun's. These three counties are meant to represent respectively the remote, suburban, and intermediary counties in Korea. The analyses of survey data reveal that the postal hinterlands of the county seats extend to much of nearby Myons, the subdivisions of a Gun. It is also found that the extent of postal hinterlands of the three counties and the magnitude of patronage and quite different from each other depending upon the topography, population density, and the propinquity of the counties to metropolitan centers. The findings suggest to reappraise the current flat allocation scheme of public facilites to each of rural subdivisions throughout the nation. A detailed analysis on the travel behavior of the survey respondents yields that age is the most salient variable to distinguish activity spaces of rural residents. The activity spaces of older respondents tend to be more limited within their Myon, whereas those of younger respondents extend across the Myon boundary, toward the central towns and even distant larger cities. The very existence of several activity spaces in rural areas calls for an attention in the future locational decisions of public facilities. The locational criteria, employed by the Ministry of Communication of Korean government to establish a post office, are the size of hinterland population and the distance from adjacent postal facilities. The present study findings suggest two additional criteria: the order in rural central place hierarchy and the propinquity to the upper-level centers of the central hierarchy. These old and new criteria are complementary each other in that the former criteria are employed to determine new office locations, whereas the latter are appropriate to determine facility relocation and closures.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.47 no.5
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• pp.14-27
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• 2019

This study presents a plan for a memorial park that respects the characteristics based on the historical facts for the concept of space of the Gwangju Hospital of Korea Army and the location of the 505 Security Forces, which were designated as historic sites after the 5-18 Democratization Movement. The Gwangju Metropolitan City as it is the location of the 5-18 historic sites, is taking part in the 5-18 Memorial Project, and plans to establish a city park recognizing the historic site of the 5-18 Democratization Movement, which has been preserved only as a memory space to this point. The park is promoting a phased development plan. This study suggests that the 5-18 historic sites can be modernized and that social consensus can establish the framework of the step-by-step planning and composition process to ensure the plans for the space heals wounds while preserving the history. In this paper, we propose a solution to a problem. We solve the approach for space utilization through an analysis of precedent research and planning cases related to park planning at historical sites. In addition to exploring the value of the site, we also describe the space utilization strategy that covers the historical characteristics and facts while maintaining the concept of park planning. As a result of the research, the historic site of the Gwangju Hospital of Korea Army is planned as a park of historical memory and healing in order to solve the problems left behind by the 5-18 Democratization Movement. The historic site of the 505 Security Forces was selected as an area for historical experiences and a place for learning that can be sympathized with by future generations of children and adolescents in terms of expanding and sustaining the memory of the 5-18 Democratization Movement. In the planning stage, the historical sites suggested the direction of space utilization for representation as did the social consensus of citizens, related groups, and specialists. Through this study, we will contribute to construction of a memorial park containing historical values in from 5-18 historic sites. It is meaningful to suggest a direction that can revitalize the life of the city as well as its citizen and can share with the history with future generations beyond being a place to heal wounds and keep alive the memory of the past.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.34 no.1
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• pp.40-52
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• 2016

Buyongjeong, a pavilion in the Rear Garden of Changdeok Palace, was appointed as Treasure No. 1763 on March 2, 2012, by the South Korea government since it shows significant symmetry and proportion on its unique planar shape, spatial configuration, building decoration, and so forth. However, the designation of Treasure selection was mainly evaluated by concrete science, in that the selection has not clearly articulated how and why Buoungjeong was constructed as a present unique form. Therefore, this study aims to clarify the identity of Buyongjeong at the time of construction by considering its historical, ideological, philosophical background and building intention. Summary are as follows: First, Construction backgrounds and characters of Buyongjeong: Right after the enthronement, King Jeongjo had founded Kyujanggak(奎章閣), and sponsored civil ministers who were elected by the national examination, as a part of political reform. In addition, he established his own political system by respecting "Kaksin(閣臣)", Kyujanggak's officials as much as "Kain(家人)", internal family members. King Jeongjo's aggressive political reform finally enabled King's lieges to visit King's Rear Garden. In the reign of King Jeongjo's 16th year(1792), Naekaksangjohoe(內閣賞釣會) based on "Kaksin" was officially launched and the Rear Garden visitation became a regular meeting. The Rear Garden visitation consisted of "Sanghwajoeoyeon(賞花釣魚宴)" - enjoying flowers and fishing, and activities of "Nanjeongsugye". Afterward, it eventually became a huge national event since high rank government officials participated the event. King Jeongjo shared the cultural activities with government officials together to Buyongjeong as a place to fulfill his royal politics. Second, The geographical location and spatial characteristics of Buyongjeong: On the enthronement of King Jeongjo(1776), he renovated Taeksujae. Above all, aligning and linking Gaeyuwa - Taeksujae - a cicular island - Eosumun - Kyujangkak along with the construction axis is an evidence for King Jeongjo to determine how the current Kyujangkak zone was prepared and designed to fulfill King Jeonjo's political ideals. In 17th year(1793) of the reign of King Jeongjo, Taeksujae, originally a square shaped pavilion, was modified and expanded with ranks to provide a place to get along with the King and officials. The northern part of Buyongjeong, placed on pond, was designed for the King's place and constructed one rank higher than others. Discernment on windows and doors were made with "Ajasal" - a special pattern for the King. The western and eastern parts were for government officials. The center part was prepared for a place where government officials were granted an audience with the King, who was located in the nortern part of Buyongjeong. Government officials from the western and eastern parts of Buyongjeong, could enter the central part of the Buyongjeong from the southern part by detouring the corner of Buyongjeong. After all, Buyongjeong is a specially designed garden building, which was constructed to be a royal palace utilizing its minimal space. Third, Cultural Values of Buyongjeong: The Buyongjeong area exhibits a trait that it had been continuously developed and it had reflected complex King's private garden cultures from King Sejo, Injo, Hyunjong, Sukjong, Jeongjo and so forth. In particular, King Jeongjo had succeded physical, social and imaginary environments established by former kings and invited their government officials for his royal politics. As a central place for his royal politics, King Jeongjo completed Buyongjeong. Therefore, the value of Buyongjeong, as a garden building reflecting permanency of the Joseon Dynasty, can be highly evaluated. In addition, as it reflects Confucianism in the pavilion - represented by distinguishing hierarchical ranks, it is a unique example to exhibit its distinctiveness in a royal garden.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.40 no.2
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• pp.1-13
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• 2022

This paper examined the history and development of Gyeongbokgung Palace's back garden based on historical materials and drawings such as Joseon Ilgi(Diaries of Joseon Dynasty), Joseon Wangjo Sillok(the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty), Doseongdaejido(the Great Map of Seoul), Bukgwoldohyeong(Drawing Plan of the Northern Palace), the Bukgung Palace Restoration Plan, Restoration Planning of Gyeongbokgung Palace and the following results were derived. First, it was confirmed that the Back Garden of Gyeongbokgung Palace was famous for its great location since the Goryeo Dynasty, and that it was named Namkyeong at that time and was a place where a shrine was built, and that castles and palaces were already built during the Goryeo Dynasty under the influence of Fengshui-Docham(風水圖讖) and Zhouli·Kaogongji(周禮考工記). Although the back garden of Gyeongbokgung Palace in the early Joseon Dynasty stayed out of the limelight as a back garden for the palace, it has a place value as a living space for the head of the state from King Gojong to the present. Second, in order to clearly identify the boundaries of back garden, through literature such as map of Doseongdo (Map of the Capital), La Coree, Gyeongmudae Area, Japanese Geography Custom Compendium, Korean Photo Album, JoseonGeonchukdoJip(The Illustration Book of Joseon Construction), Urban Planning Survey of Gyeongseong, it was confirmed that the current Blue House area outside Sinmumun Gate was built outside the precincts of Gyeongbokgung Palace. It was found that the area devastated through the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592, was used as a space where public corporations were combined through the process of reconstruction during the King Gojong period. In Japanese colonial era, the place value as a back garden of the primary palace was damaged, as the palace buildings of the back garden was relocated or destroyed, but after liberation, it was used as the presidential residence and restored the place value of the ruler. Third, in the back garden of Gyeongbokgung Palace, spatial changes proceeded through the Japanese Invasion and Japanese colonial era. The place with the greatest geographical change was Gyeongnongjae area, where the residence of the Japanese Government-General of Korea was built, and there were frequent changes in the use of the land. On the other hand, the current Gyeongmudae area, the forests next to the small garden, and the forests of Baekak were preserved in the form of traditional forests. To clarify this, 1:1200 floor plan of inner Gyeongmudae residence and satellite images were overlapped based on Sinmumun Gate, and as a result, it was confirmed that the water path originating from Baekak still exists today and the forest area did not change. Fourth, in the areas where the traditional forest landscape was inherited, the functional changes in the topography were little, and major old-age colonies are maintained. The old trees identified in this area were indicator tree species with historical value. Representatively, Pinus densiflora for. multicaulis Uyeki, located in Nokjiwon Garden, is presumed to have been preserved as one of Pinus densiflora for. multicaulis Uyeki planted next to Yongmundang, and has a historicality that has been used as a photo zone at dinners for heads of state and important guests. Lastly, in order to continuously preserve and manage the value of Gyeongbokgung Palace in Blue House, it is urgent to clarify the space value through excavation of historical materials in Japanese colonial era and establish a hierarchy of garden archaeology by era. In addition, the basis for preserving the historical landscape from the Joseon Dynasty to the modern era from Gyeongbokgung Palace should not damage the area of the old giant trees, which has been perpetuated since the past, and a follow-up study is needed to investigate all the forests in Blue House.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.4
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• pp.72-92
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• 2023

As described above, the location of Jagiso eunchon in Goheung-hyeon and the nature of Undae-ri kiln site were examined. Goheung-hyeon's administrative agency was moved to Joyang-hyeon, which is now Joseong-myeon, Boseong-gun in 1395. Therefore, Goheung-hyeon Jagiso Eunchon in Sejongsillok Jiriji corresponding to 1424~1432 should be found in the west of Joseong-myeon, Boseong, where the administrative agency was moved in 1395. Among the four boundaries of Goheung-hyeon recorded in the 『Sejongsillok』 Jiriji, it is recorded as 2-ri by the sea in the south and 8-ri by Nakan in the east. If the current Goheung-hyeon is Goheung-hyeon's administrative agency in the Sejongsillok Jiriji Records Compilation Period, it cannot be the boundary the south and east mentioned above. This is because it cannot be 2-ri from the current Goheung-eup to the sea in the south, and Nakan is close to the north, not the east, as recorded. However, it has already been suggested that Joyanghyeonseong(朝陽縣城), located in Gonae Village, Ucheon-ri, Josung-myeon, Boseonggun is an Goheunghyeon's administrative agency. And if the four-way boundary of Goheung-hyeon was converted into the current distance unit based on this place(Joyanghyeonseong, 朝陽縣城), an approximate result could be obtained even if it did not exactly match. Therefore, it is highly likely that Goheung-hyeon's administrative agency, which was moved to Joyang-hyeon, Boseong in 1395, is Gonae Village, Ucheon-ri, JoSeong-myeon, Boseong. Jagiso eunchon(犾村) in Goheung-hyeon can be interpreted as a "dog-shouting village." It is thought to be a meaning structure of "animal + sound". A place name thought to have the same structure was identified in Jeongheung-ri, west of Ucheon-ri, Joseongmyeon, Boseong. It is the name of a village called Hoeum-dong(虎吟洞), and it is interpreted as the sound of a tiger or the bark of a tiger, which is the same as the meaning structure of Eunchon. However, there is Gaesan Village in the south of Hoeum-dong, and a Buncheong ware kiln site was identified around it. At this kiln site, a fragment of carved Buncheong ware engraved with the character "Eon", which corresponds to the right stroke of the character "Seom (贍)" in the name "Naeseom (內贍)" was identified. A small amount of Buncheong ware and Joseon celadon pieces were also identified. It can be seen that the Buncheong ware paid to the government was made by checking the Buncheong ware with the government name engraved on it. On the west side of Joyanghyeonseong Fortress in Ucheon-ri, joseong-myeon, Boseong, which was the administrative agency of Goheung-hyeon and the area around the Gaesan Buncheong ware kiln site in Jeongheung-ri, where the Buncheong ware paid to the government was, is thought to be Jagiso Eunchon, Goheung-hyeon. Jagiso and Dogiso are located in the four directions based on the administrative agency. Naturally, the location of Jagiso and Dogiso is also determined on where the administrative agency of Hyeon is. Since the Goheung-hyeon's administrative agency in the early Joseon Dynasty was moved to Ucheon-ri, joseong-myeon, Boseong-myeon, it is necessary to naturally find Jagiso and Dogiso in Boseong. In addition, regarding the nature of the kiln site in Undae-ri, the aspects of the excavated relics were considered. As a result, it is believed that the Undae-ri kiln site functioned as a jagiso in Heungyang-hyeon from February 1441 to the 1470s. If so, the "Ye" Buncheong ware, which was collected around Undae-ri kiln No. 7, could be naturally understood.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.31 no.3
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• pp.25-37
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• 2013

The purpose of this study is to draw reasonable management plans to reinforce essence of Ohyundan(五賢壇: Five sprit tablets), a sacred site and monument of Jeju, by investigating and analyzing current status and problems of cultural landscape elements(e.g. architectural structures, installation, letters carved on the rocks, actual vegetation, etc.) while grasping placeness contained in Ohyundan through consideration of its history and transition process of Ohyundan a future being and shrine of Gyulrim Seowon(橘林書院) in Jeju. Results derived from research are summarized as follows. Ohyundan is noted due to its placeness in that it was a place for Gyulrim Seowon, Jeju's one and only Saaek Seowon(賜額書 院) and it was a symbolic space of exile culture in Jeju. As it is inferred from Gyulrim Seowon, which is dangho(堂號: clan name) of Seowon, orchards surrounding all over places are a signature landscape element that shows placeness of the past Ohyundan. Joduseok(俎豆石: altar stone), representing a core installation of Ohyundan and ancestral tablet of five spirits, created a refined place by putting up common stones around altar and founding blocked stones to wall. This refinement and thrift served basic mind of Neo-Confucianism, and led to of Jeju's Jonyang mind(spend-thrift mind). In conclusion, a practice plan is a prerequisite to restore essence of Ohyundan by actively excluding installations not suitable for placeness or overly designed such as Jeju Hyangrodang(a center for the elderly) and numerous monument houses. On the other hand, together with Joduseok, as letters carved on the rocks such as 'Jeungjoo Byukrip(曾朱壁立)' and 'Gwangpoongdae(光風臺)' and Yoocheonseok serve as a signature landscape that well shows mind of five spirits and teaching of Neo-Confucianism, and also a trace from a confucian viewpoint deeply rooted in Jeju, they are judged as a cultural landscape corresponding to the essence of place in Ohyundan which requires proactive preservation and plans for public relations. Together with this, although many different old big trees such as Pinus densiflora , Pinus thunbergii, Quercus variabilis, Celtis sinenis, Zelkova serrata and Rhus succedanea are a landscape element that increases sacred Ohyundan and commemorative value, now required is thorough entity tree management by assigning serial number on them as many of them were dead or removed resulting from transition process of land use. Further, to reinforce quality of site location belonging to Gyulrim Seowon, a prerequsite is to review plans that create Gyulrim at reinstalled site of building and raw land.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.39 no.3
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• pp.26-38
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• 2011

The purpose of this study was to analyze the commemoration culture of Vietnam War Memorials (VWM) in Vietnam. Through site survey, the researcher selected 23 VWM in Vietnam and analyzed 5 categories: memorial type, design concept and narratives, location and spatial form, landscape elements, and content expressed in landscape details. The results are as follows: 1. Because of the long, drawn out Vietnam War, which lasted from 1955 to 1975, VWM were divided into 10 types mainly as soldier cemeteries based on a traditional memorial style, battlefields and places of tragedies considering sense of place, war museums representing victory and atrocity in war, and peace parks promoting reconciliation and peacemaking. 2. The analysis revealed that the main concepts and narratives of VWM were to value the victims of the Vietnam War, remember soldiers' contributions, highlight the victory in war and resistance to the United States, and express a sense of place. Peacemaking applied only to My Lai Peace Park and Han-Viet Hoa Binh Cong Vien, built by international cooperation. 3. Cemeteries and appreciation memorials were designed to follow a traditional memorial space form that highly regard both axis and symmetry. The design concept at battlefields and places where tragedies occurred depended mainly upon a sense of place and used symbolic landscape elements to compensate for the undefined concept. 4. Sculptures and towers were mainly used to highlight war victory and resistance as the representative style of a Socialist country, weapons and pictures exhibited in war museums and battlefield showed the reality and strain of war. Symbolic elements of Buddhism and Confucianism were often introduced as a way to venerate the memory of deceased persons. 5. The state and heroic actions in the Vietnam War were realistically depicted on sculptures and walls. Also, the symbolic phrase, 'TO-QUOC-GUI-CONG' meaning 'our country remember your achievement', were written on the memorial tower and 'Quagmiire' was used to metaphorically represent the difficulties faced by the U.S. military on battlefields during the war and the uncertainly that pervaded U.S. society in those days. 6. In VWM, ideologies like nationalism, patriotism, socialism, capitalism were mixed and traditional cultures like Buddhism, Confucianism, Taoism were inherent. Differing from their Confucianism culture, war heroes, particularly including women, were often described by sculpture, monument, and pictures and the conflict in and outside the country regarding the Vietnam War was shown. Further study will be required to analyze design characteristics of VWM in the u.s. and to understand the difference in commemoration cultures between Vietnam and the U.S.

• Journal of Chest Surgery
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• v.29 no.5
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• pp.542-547
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• 1996

All patients who underwent video-assisted thoracic surgery (VATS) for diagnostic purposes from Jan. 1992 to Aug. 1995 were reviewed. The total number of patients were 111 with 57 male and 54 female, and the mean age was 49 years (range 1 to 74). Multiple biopsies from more than one location were performed in 17 patients , pleural biopsies were performed In 49 patients, lung biopsies in 43 patients, mediastinal mass or Iymph node biopsies in 33 patients, and two pericardium biopsies and one dia- phragm biopsy, for a total of 128 biopsies. Seventeen pleural biopsy cases and one lung biopsy case underwent operation under local anesthesia , the rest were performed under general anesthesia. In patients who underwent lung biopsy, the mean age was 49.1 ye rs (range 22~ 73). The operating time was 40 to 170 minutes (mean 97), intravenous or intramuscular injection for pain control was required 0 to 22 times(mean 4.7), and chest tube was inserted from 1 to 26 days(mean 7). In all patients except two, a diagnosis was obtained from the biopsy and complication was encountered in one patient in whom intraoperative paroxysmal atrial tachycardia was detected. In 7 patients, a thorn- cotomy had to be done due to pleural adhesion or intraoperative bleeding, and 7 patients had postoperative complications associated with the chest tube. In the pleural biopsy group, the mean age was 49 years (range 17~ 74). The operating time was 25 to 80 minutes (mean 49), intravenous or intramuscular injection for pain control was needed 0 to 20 times (mean 3.6), and the chest tube was i.nserted for 0 to 67 days(mean 9.8). In all the patients, a diagnosis was possible. The chest tube was inserted for longer than 7 days in 11 patients. In the Iymph node biopsy roup, the mean age was 44.2 years (range 1 ~ 68). The operating time was )0 to 3)5 minutes(mean 105), pain control was required 0 to 15 times(mean 3.2), and a chest tube was kept in place for 1 to 36 days(mean 6.1). In one patient, a diagnosis was not possible and a chest tube was kept in place for longer than 7 days in 7 patients. In the multiple biopsy group, the mean age was 53.1 years(range 20~ 71). The operating time was 15 to 165 minutes(mean 85), and pain control was done from 0 to 17 times(mean 3.1). The chest tube was kept in place for 1 to 16 days (mean 7.9).

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.36-48
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• 2010

The objectives of this study are to research and analyze the positioning of Mt. Back Hwa(白華山) and the characteristics of its neighboring cultural scenery based on the Two Seated Buddah Temple, a small Buddhist temple of Taeul in Taean and to view both landscape geographic codes and religious attractions over Mt. Back Hwa by discussing its expression and meaning for the scenery scattered or nested over this districts. The panoramic view of west shows the character of Mt. Back Hwa as a magnanimity of Buddhist Goddess of Mercy which is viewed as a view point field no less than its location as a landscape target and its singularity as a rocky mountain. The ancient castle, signal beacon post and the small Buddhist temple of Taeul to be read importantly in the old map and SinjeungDongkukyeojiseungram(新增東國輿地勝覽) form the core of place identity, and a number of carve(engrave) letters such as Eopungdae(御風臺), Youngsadae(永思臺), etc. show the prospect of this mountain and monumentality derived from place characteristics. In addition removing of Taeiljeon, a portrait scroll of Dangun, national ancestor makes possible to guess the national status hold by Mt. Back Hwa in advance and to know that it has symbiotic relationship with indigenous religion and shares with the universal locality which have been continued for a long time through a portrait scroll of Dangun enshrined in Samsunggak. More than anything else, however the Rock-carved Buddha Triad in Taean, Giant Buddha of Baekjae era enshrined in the small Buddhist temple of Taeul is not only why Mt. Back Hwa, magnanimity of Buddhist Goddess of Mercy exists but also a signifier. In spite of such a placity, the union ideas of confucianism, buddhism and doctrinism of buddhism prevailed in the Late Joseon Dynasty allows the cultural phenomenon of taoism to be read in the same weight through Ilsogae(一笑溪) and Gammodae(感慕臺) which are mountain stream and pond area respectively centered in the carve letter, 'Taeeuldongcheon(太乙洞天)' constructed in front of the small Buddhist temple of Taeul, the Baduk board type of rock carvings engraved over them and a number of traces of carve letters made by confucian scholars since the Middle of Joseon Dynasty. The reason such various cultural sceneries are mixed in Mt. Back Hwa is in the results of inheritance of religious places and fusion of sprit of the times, and the various type of cultural scenery elements scattered in Mt. Back Hwa are deemed as unique geographic code to understand the multi-layered placity and the characteristics of scenery of Mt. Back Hwa in Taean.