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A Study on the Brand Characteristics According to Trends in the Children's Apparel Market

  • Han, Gyung-Hee
    • Journal of Fashion Business
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    • v.9 no.6
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    • pp.160-174
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    • 2005
  • Despite the decrease in the number of children due to low birth rate, the domestic children's apparel market has been achieving steady growth as family income is rising thanks to more opportunities for working women, parents spend more on their children, and they prefer brand products that make their children look special. In addition, the market is suffering from hard competition as large enterprises have joined the race. The present study purposed to survey the children's apparel market in Korea, which is in a transitional period, and to contribute to the development of the market with Korean brands. For this purpose, we analyzed the characteristics of children's apparel brands in the 21st century based on the current state of the domestic children's apparel market and, based on the findings, forecasted the future trend of children's apparel brands, suggested improvements for expected problems, proposed standards for coping with changes such as diversification, high quality and differentiation in the children's apparel market, and provided consumers with information on how to purchase products. According to the result of analyzing the characteristics of children's apparel brands in the 21st century, brands are categorized largely into four types - life cultural brands, functional product brands, character brands and brands advancing to China. Life cultural brands equipped with all necessities for children are expanding, and with the deepening social problems of environmental pollution and the reduction of the child population, functional products made of environment-friendly materials are spreading widely, targeting infants and children. Furthermore, for extending age targets and diversifying products, children's apparel is using characters. The use of characters is expected to have a considerable effect on the growth of brands because children are more subjective as consumers than before and they are more easily persuaded with characters. Domestic children's apparel brands advancing to China have a high expectation of success in overcoming the limitation of the local market that has reached its peak and growing into global brands. Korean apparel makers are struggling to overcome the depressed domestic market, to recover consumers' consumption, to cope with market opening, to pursue high value of sensibility and to expand the seniors' market, etc. In this situation, future trends of children's apparel brands will be the expansion of family brands, brand totalization, quality price, niche market (pre-teen market), etc. In response to these trends, we made the following suggestions for improvement. 1. Children's apparel brands are evolving into family brands as well as into total brands through voluming. Today, however, apparel makers are advancing to the children's apparel market with the concept of adults' apparel and, as a result, children's apparel is merely adults' apparel of reduced size, having problems in design, color and materials. Thus, apparel makers must develop design considering the wide range of size and the characteristics of children's apparel, strengthen sourcing abilities to create revenues, and make thorough survey of customers to find common denominators between adults' apparel and children's apparel considering that characteristic that the target class is different from the buyer class. Furthermore, they must make active investments in human resources, develop outstanding products through advanced planning and design, and support marketing techniques and management systems to stores. 2. As the declining birth rate will continue to have a negative effect on the market, it may be difficult to expand the market size but there is still a margin for growth through high-sensibility and high-quality products. The competitiveness of brands is determined by their market shares. Accordingly, concepts should be specialized according to lifestyle, customers' diverse needs should be satisfied, and cross-coordination should be achieved within a brand. 3. Considering Korean parents who do not spare investment in their children despite shrinking consumption, functional products must be high value-added goods that can enhance efficiency. However, in the current situation of the infants' apparel industry where a textile manufacturer supply its products to multiple brands, it is difficult to develop unique products only based on materials. Thus, it is considered urgent to appeal to consumers not by relying on materials only but by finding methods of applying their own characters to children's dress.

Epidemiology and Clinical Characteristics of Parainfluenza Virus Type 4 in Korean Children: a Single Center Study, 2015-2017 (소아에서 파라인플루엔자 바이러스 4형의 역학 및 임상 양상에 대한 단일기관 연구: 2015-2017)

  • Sohn, Young Joo;Choi, Youn Young;Yun, Ki Wook;Choi, Eun Hwa;Lee, Hoan Jong
    • Pediatric Infection and Vaccine
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    • v.25 no.3
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    • pp.156-164
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    • 2018
  • Purpose: We aimed to identify the epidemiology and the clinical characteristics of human parainfluenza virus type 4 (HPIV-4) infection compared to HPIVs 1-3 infections in Korean children. Methods: We reviewed medical records of children with HPIV infection who visited Seoul National University Children's Hospital from 2015 to 2017. Detection of respiratory viruses was performed using real time-polymerase chain reaction (rt-PCR), which could differentiate HPIVs 1-4. Diagnosis was classified as a febrile illness, upper respiratory tract infection (URI), croup, bronchiolitis, or pneumonia. The epidemiology, demographic features, and clinical characteristics among HPIV types were compared. The clinical data were analyzed only for the previously healthy children. Results: Of the 472 children diagnosed with HPIV infection, 108 (22.9%) were previously healthy: 24 (22.2%), 19 (17.6%), 39 (36.1%), and 26 (24.1%) in HPIV types 1, 2, 3, and 4, respectively. The median age of children with HPIV-4 infection was 11 (0-195) months: the proportion of children aged < 2 years and 2 to < 5 years were 65.4% and 19.2%, respectively. Clinical diagnoses of HPIV-4 infection were bronchiolitis (38.5%), pneumonia (30.8%), and URI (30.8%). Croup was the most prevalent in HPIV-2 (21.1%) and none in HPIV-4 infection (P=0.026). Hospital admission rates among HPIV types were not significantly different (P>0.05). Conclusions: We observed seasonal peak of HPIV-4 infection in 2015 and 2017. HPIV-4 was a common respiratory pathogen causing lower respiratory tract infection in hospitalized children.

A Survey on Egg Laying Performance and Distribution Status of Animal Welfare Certified Farms for Laying Hens (산란계 동물복지 인증 농가의 사육 및 유통 현황 조사)

  • Hong, Eui-Chul;Kang, Hwan-Ku;Park, Ki-Tae;Jeon, Jin-Joo;Kim, Hyun-Soo;Kim, Chan-Ho;Kim, Sang-Ho
    • Korean Journal of Poultry Science
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    • v.46 no.2
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    • pp.55-63
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    • 2019
  • This study was conducted to evaluate animal welfare approved farms in three housing systems (open, windowless, and free-range). The survey was conducted in 25 animal welfare approved farms, and 10 farms were surveyed for distribution status. The main breed in all animal welfare approved farms of laying hens was Hy-Line Brown variety. In the case of open house, laying hens were bred in traditional and panel houses simultaneously; however, the ratio of panel house was 58.3%, which was higher than that of the traditional house. All the windowless houses were made of panels and more than 15,000 laying hens were housed in a single windowless house. In the case of free-range house, it was maintained on a small scale of less than 12,000 birds. Fifty-six percent of the surveyed farms were breeding at $7{\sim}8birds/m^2$. In terms of male and female ratios, most farms maintained 1 male:15 females, but there was a farmhouse that switched 17 or 20 females to 1 male. The daily dietary allowance was 110~170 g, and 32% of the surveyed farms provided feed of more than 150 g/day, which showed that forage feed was important. The age of at the first egg was 123 days, 122 days, and 120 days, and the peak percent was 91.8%, 94.9%, and 86.5% in open, windowless and free-range houses, respectively. The average egg production rate was 74.0%, 84.6%, and 72.7% in open, windowless, and free-range houses respectively, thus, there was no correlation between feed intake and hen-housed eggs. Distribution of welfare certified eggs was mainly a direct deal with the consumer or through contract production. The ratio of direct transactions between large-scale marts and eco-friendly specialty stores of welfare approved eggs was higher than that of conventional eggs. The rate of contract sales of eggs in both the barn and free-range systems was high, and the percentage of courier sales farms was also high. Excluding courier services, price of eggs in the barn system rose to more than 30 won/egg in the second half of 2017 (after AI). Price of eggs in the free-range system rose to more than 50 won/egg in the second half of 2017 (after AI). In the case of courier sales, the same price of 500 won was maintained before and after AI. In conclusion, the results of this study can be used as basic data for improving the animal welfare certification system for laying hens in Korea.

Analysis on Statistical Characteristics of Household Water End-uses (가정용수 용도별 사용량의 통계적 특성 분석)

  • Kim, Hwa Soo;Lee, Doo Jin;Park, No Suk;Jung, Kwan Soo
    • KSCE Journal of Civil and Environmental Engineering Research
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    • v.28 no.5B
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    • pp.603-614
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    • 2008
  • End-uses of household water have been changed by a life style, housing type, weather, water rate and water supply facilities etc. and those variables can be considered as an internal and exogenous factors to estimate long-term demand forecasts. Analysis of influential factors on water consumption in households would give an explanation to cause on the change of trend and would help predicting the water demand of end-use in household. The purpose of this study is to analyze the demand trends and patterns of household water uses by metering and questionnaire such as occupation, revenue, numbers of family member, housing types, age, floor area and installation of water saving device, etc. The peak water uses were shown at Saturday among weekdays and July in a year based on the analysis results of water use pattern. A steep increase of total water volume can be found in the analysis of water demand trend according to temperature from $-14^{\circ}C$ to $0^{\circ}C$, while there are no significant variations in the phase of more than $0^{\circ}C$, with an almost stable demand. Washbowl water shows the highest and toilet water shows the lowest relation with temperature in correlation analysis results. In the results of ANOVA to find the significant difference in each unit water use by exogenous factors such as housing type, occupation, number of generation, residential area and income et al., difference was shown in bathtub water by housing type and shown in kitchen, toilet and miscellaneous water by numbers of resident. Especially, definite differences in components except washbowl and bathtub water, could be found by numbers of resident. Based on the result, average residents in a house should be carefully considered and the results can be applied as reference information, in decision making process for predicting water demand and establishing water conservation policy. It is expected that these can be used as design factors in planning stage for water and wastewater facilities.

Overview of Utilization of Four-wheel Tractor in Korea(I) -Ownership and Annual Use by Different Farm Groups- (농용(農用)트랙터 이용(利用)에 관(關)한 조사연구(調査硏究)(I) -경영형태별(經營形態別) 농작업이용실태분석(農作業利用實態分析)-)

  • Park, Ho Seok;Kim, Kyong Su;Lee, Yong Kook;Han, Sung Kum
    • Journal of Biosystems Engineering
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    • v.6 no.2
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    • pp.20-32
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    • 1982
  • This survey was conducted to investigate the present status of farm tractor utilization for obtaining a basic reference to the establishment of the government's agricultural mechanization strategies. Thirty two counties from the eight provinces except Jeju were covered in this study. From these selected areas, 433 sample farms having farm tractor were taken to obtain the general informations by the enquete, and 93 sample farms among them to investigate the status of daily tractor use in the year of 1980. The analyzed results are summarized as follows: 1. Farm tractors owned by the rice-oriented farms holds 71.5 percent of the total number of tractors the livestock-oriented farms 17.0 percent, and the orchard-oriented farms 7.0 percent. Among the farm tractors 64.3 percent was a large size (46ps) and 35.7 percent a small size(19~23ps). 2. Most of the tractors surveyed were equipped with the essential attachments such as plow and rotavator. About 18 percent of the tractor owners had no trailer, which seemed too high considering the large percentage of tractor use for transportation. The availability of other attachments was very low except a grader on the rice-oriented farms and a hay harvester and a front loader on the livestock-oriented farms. 3. The average size of farm was 3.9 hectare for the rice-oriented farms, 13.9 hectare for the livestock-oriented farms and 7.4 hectare for the orchard-oriented farms. It was obious that the average farm size of was too small compared to the theoretical machine capacity of the tractors. 4. About 70 percent of the tractor operators were in the age of twenties and thirties. About 90 percent of them had an educational level of middle school graduate or above even though their technical level was very low. 5. Any particular problem in tractor use was not found in this survey. From the farmer's preference for purchasing a new tractor, however, it is estimated the demand on a 20-30ps tractor will be more increased. 6. The average annual use of tractor was of about 100 days or 400 hours. It appeared that the rice-oriented farms used most with 412.4 hours per year, and followed by the livestock-oriented farms with 403.6 hours, the orchard oriented farms with 377.7 hours. 7. Among the total hours of tractor use, 47.3 percent was for transportation, and 41.6 percent was for plowing and rotary tillage. The largest portion of the annual tractor use was taken by transportation on the livestock-oriented farms, by land preperation on the rice-oriented farms, and by loading and chemical spraying on the orchard-oriented farms. 8. The hours of tractor use had a peak in May. The hours of use for own farm was remarkably different among the different farm oriented, but there was no considerable difference between the too different sizes of tractor. 9. The hours of tractor use decreased as the age of the operator or the educational level increased. The reason might be that the operators who had a high educational level or were older had a tendency of disliking custom works. 10. The average custom use of tractor was 171.3 hours per year, and the ratio of custom work was 63.7 percent on the rice-oriented farms, 31.7 percent on the livestock-oriented farms and 22.4 percent on the orchard-oriented farms. Among the custom works, the most popular one was the grader leveling. 11. The charge on custom work was about 40,000 Won per hectare for plowing and rotary tillage, and it was the most expensive in the southeastern region, and next followed by the southwestern region. 12. The average plowing capacity of the small tractor was 7.8 hours per hectare in the paddy field, and that of the large tractors was 4.3 hours per hectare. The average rotary-tilling capacities of the small and the large tractors were 6.5 and 4.3 hours per hectare, in the paddy field respectively.

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Early Clinical Experience in Aortic Valve Replacement Using On-X$^{circledR}$Prosthetic Heart Valve (On-X$^{circledR}$ 기계판막을 이용한 대동맥판 치환술의 조기 임상 경험)

  • 안병희;전준경;류상완;최용선;김병표;홍성범;박종춘;김상형
    • Journal of Chest Surgery
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    • v.36 no.9
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    • pp.651-658
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    • 2003
  • Since the first implanted in September 1997, the use of On-X prosthetic heart valve has been increasing around in the world. This study was designed to assess the feasibility, safety, and the postoperative hemodynamics with this new valve in clinical setting. Material and Method: The current study was carried out on 52 patients undergoing aortic valve replacement with this prosthesis between April 1999 to August 2002 at Chonnam National University Hospital to evaluate the surgical results. 52% of the patients were male and the average age at implant was 50$\pm$13 years. The study followed the guidelines of the AATS/STS. Preoperatively, 32(61.5%) patients were in NYHA functional class III or IV and 2 patients had previous aortic valve surgery. Concomitant cardiac surgery was performed in 71.1%. The implanted valve sizes were 19 mm in 13 patients, 21 mm in 26, 23 mm in 10 and 25 mm in 3, respectively. Mean follow-up was 16.6$\pm$10.5 months (1∼39 months). Echocardiographic assessment was performed pre- and immediate postoperatively, as well as 3, 6, 12 months after surgery, evaluating pressure loss and regression of left ventricular hypertrophy. Result: Mean cardiopulmonary bypass time was 191$\pm$94.7 minutes with an aortic cross-clamp time of 142$\pm$51.7 minutes. There was no early and late mortality, Freedom from adverse events at 1 year in the study were as follows: thromboembolism, 95.6$\pm$6%; bleeding events, 90.2$\pm$4%; paravalvular leakage 92.3$\pm$4%; and overall valve-related morbidity at 1 year was 76.6$\pm$3%. There were no cases of valve thrombosis, prosthetic valve endocarditis and structural or non-structural failure. Left ventricular function at 12 months after surgery (EF=62.7$\pm$9.8%) revealed a statistically significant improvement compared to preoperative investigation (EF=55.8$\pm$15.9%, p=0.006). Left ventricular mass index was 247.3$\pm$122.3 g/$m^2$ on preoperative echocardiographic study, but regressed to 155.5$\pm$58.2 g/$m^2$ at postoperative 1 year (p=0.002). Over the follow-up period a further decrease of peak transvalvular gradients was observed in all patients: 62.5$\pm$38.0 mmHg on preoperative assessment, 18.2$\pm$6.8 mmHg at immediate postoperative period (p < 0.0001), 7.6$\pm$5.09 mmHg (p<0.0001) at 6 month, 18.0$\pm$10.8 mmHg (p<0.0001) at 1 year. Conclusion: The On-X prosthetic heart valve performs satisfactorily in the first 1 year period. Clinical outcome by examining NYHA functional classification revealed especially good results. Effective regression of left ventricular hypertrophy and statistically significant decrease of transvalvular gradient were observed over the first year, but longer-term follow-up of this patient group is needed to establish the expected rates for late valve-related events as well as the long-term clinical efficacy of this valve.

Survey of Current Status of the Patients with Home Ventilator in Seoul and Kyunggi Province (가정용 인공호흡기를 사용하는 서울 및 경기 지역 환자의 실태)

  • Ahn, Jong-Joon;Lee, Ki-Man;Shim, Tae-Sun;Lim, Chae-Man;Lee, Sang-Do;Kim, Woo-Sung;Kim, Dong-Soon;Kim, Won-Dong;Koh, Youn-Suck
    • Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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    • v.49 no.5
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    • pp.624-632
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    • 2000
  • Background : Home ventilation can decrease hospital-acquired infection, increase physical activity, improve nutritional status, enhance quality of life, and reduce medical costs. The number of patient using home ventilators has been increasing, particularly in Europe and United States. Although the number of patients with home ventilation has been increasing in Korea, the current status of these patients is not well known. This study was undertaken to obtain basic information upon these patients in addition to evaluating any problems related to patients' home care in our country. Methods : A register of 92 patients with home ventilators in Seoul and Kyunggi Province were obtained from commercial ventilator supply companies. The patients were contacted by phone and 29 of them accepted our visit. Information concerning education about home care before discharge, equipment cost, and problems related to home care were documented. The mode and preset variables of the home ventilator were checked; tidal volume (TV), peak airway pressure, and oxygen saturation were measured. Results : There were 26 males (90%) and their mean age was 48.0 (${\pm}20.1$) years. The underlying diseases were : 21 neuromuscular disorders, 2 spinal cord injuries, 6 chronic lung diseases. Among the caregivers, spouses (n=14) predominated. Education for home care before discharge was performed primarily by intensive care unit nurses and the education for ventilator management by commercial companies. Twenty-five of the 29 patients had tracheostomies. Volume targeted type (VTT ; n=20, 69%) was more frequently used than the pressure targeted type (PTT). Twenty-three of the 29 patients purchased a ventilator privately, which cost 7,450,000 (${\pm}$3,290,000) won for a PTT, and 14,280.000 (${\pm}$3,130,000) won for a VTT. Total cost for the equipment was 11,430,000 (${\pm}$634,000) won. The average cost required for home care per month was 1,120,000 (${\pm}$1,360, 000) won. Conclusion : The commonest underlying disease of the patients was neuromuscular disease. The VTT ventilator was primarily used with tracheostomy. Patients and their families considered the financial difficulties associated with purchasing and maintaining equipment for home care an urgent problem. Some patients were aided by a visiting nurse, however most patients were neglected and left without professional medical supervision.

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A Comparison of Tiotropium 18㎍, Once Daily and Ipratropium 40㎍, 4 Times Daily in a Double-Blind, Double-Dummy, Efficacy and Safety Study in Adults with Chronic Obstructive Pulmonary Disease (만성폐쇄성폐질환 환자에서 Tiotropium 1일 1회, 1회 18㎍ 요법과 Ipratropium 1일 4회, 1회 40㎍ 요법의 치료효과 및 안전성 비교)

  • Kim, Seung Joon;Kim, Myung Sook;Lee, Sang Haak;Kim, Young Kyoon;Moon, Hwa Sik;Park, Sung Hak;Lee, Sang Yeub;In, Kwang Ho;Lee, Chang Youl;Kim, Young Sam;Kim, Hyung Jung;Ahn, Chul Min;Kim, Sung Kyu;Kim, Kyung Rok;Cha, Seung Ick;Jung, Tae Hoon;Kim, Mi Ok;Park, Sung Soo;Choi, Cheon Woong;Yoo, Jee Hong;Kang, Hong Mo;Koh, Won Jung;Ham, Hyoung Suk;Kang, Eun Hae;Kwon, O Jung;Lee, Yang Deok;Lee, Heung Bum;Lee, Yong Chul;Rhee, Yang Keun;Shin, Won Hyuk;Kwon, Sung Yeon;Kim, Woo Jin;Yoo, Chul Gyu;Kim, Young Whan;Shim, Young Soo;Han, Sung Koo;Park, Hye Kyung;Kim, Yun Seong;Lee, Min Ki;Park, Soon Kew;Kim, Mi Hye;Lee, Won Yeon;Yong, Suk Joong;Shin, Kye Chul;Choi, Byoung Whui;Oh, Yeon Mok;Lim, Chae Man;Lee, Sang Do;Kim, Woo Sung;Kim, Dong Soon;Jung, Sung Soo;Kim, Ju Ock;Ko, Young Chun
    • Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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    • v.58 no.5
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    • pp.498-506
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    • 2005
  • Background : This study compared the bronchodilator efficacy and safety of tiotropium inhalation capsules ($18{\mu}g$ once daily) with a ipratropium metered dose inhaler (2 puffs of $20{\mu}g$ q.i.d.) in patients with chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD). Method : After the initial screening assessment and a two-week run-in period, patients received either tiotropium $18{\mu}g$ once daily or ipratropium $40{\mu}g$ four times daily over a period of 4 weeks in a double blind, double dummy, parallel group study. The outcome measures were the lung function, the daily records of the peak expiratory flow rate (PEFR), the patients' questionnaire, and the use of concomitant salbutamol. The forced expiratory volume in one second ($FEV_1$) and the forced vital capacity (FVC) were measured 5 minutes before inhalation, and 0.5, 1, 2 and 3 hours after inhaling the study drug on days 0, 14 and 28. Result : In 16 centers, 134 patients with a mean (SD) age of 66 (7) years and a predicted $FEV_1$ of 42 (12)% were analyzed. The trough $FEV_1$ response was significantly higher in the tiotropium group than in the ipratropium group after a four-week treatment period. The weekly mean morning PEFR of the tiotropium group was consistently higher than that of the ipratropium group during the 4-week treatment period with differences ranging from 12.52 to 13.88 l/min, which were statistically significant. Tiotropium was well tolerated by the COPD patients during the 4-week treatment period and had a similar safety profile to ipratropium. Conclusion : This study shows that tiotropium administrated once daily has a superior bronchodilator effect with a similar safety profile in treating COPD patients compared with ipratropium, inhaled four times daily.

A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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