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Evolution of Healthcare Service Disparities: A Case Study of Primary Care Services in Korea, 1995-2021 (보건의료 서비스의 공간적 불균등 분포 변이에 대한 연구: 1995년부터 2021년까지 초기진료기관을 대상으로)

  • Hyun Kim;Yena Song
    • Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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    • v.26 no.3
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    • pp.289-309
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    • 2023
  • While South Korea's universal healthcare system has garnered attention in public health, the issue of inequality in healthcare service provision among different age groups has incessantly become a significant concern. The focus of this concern is primarily on essential healthcare services, encompassing fundamental aspects of healthcare such as internal medicine, family medicine, and pediatric and adolescent care. This inequality is not limited to differences among age groups (both junior and senior demographics) but also extends to potential disparities in healthcare services based on geographic location, particularly in urban and rural contexts. This paper aims to investigate disparities in primary healthcare service resources in South Korea's evolving economic landscape between 1995 and 2021. We utilize a set of inequality indices with a spatial perspective through geographic cluster analysis. The findings reveal that concerns about inequality have been amplified during various economic events, including the IMF crisis in 1999, the global financial crisis in 2008, and the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020. These years are identified as significant phases that have contributed to manifesting spatial disparities in primary healthcare provisions, with a particular emphasis on the senior-aged population rather than junior or all population groups. Our findings underscore the pressing need to address the unequal distribution of essential healthcare resources as part of preparedness for potential economic impacts, requiring a comprehensive consideration of the interconnected nature of demographic and spatial dimensions in healthcare services.

The Activity of an interpreter on science education during the enlightenment period in Korea: Focus on Hyun Chae (개화기 역관(譯官)의 과학교육 활동: 현채(玄采)를 중심으로)

  • Park, Jong-Seok
    • Journal of The Korean Association For Science Education
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    • v.29 no.6
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    • pp.741-750
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    • 2009
  • Modem science education was introduced to Korea in the enlightenment period. The science textbooks which were published at that time were important to modem science education in Korea. Therefore, the translators and publishers of science textbooks were the leader of the science education in the enlightenment period. Hyun Chae and his son as a translator were one of the leaders in science education at that time. Hyun Chae was born to a Middle class (中人)family and succeeded to pass the national examination for translators (譯科). He worked as a translator and author at the Ministry of Education (學部). Also, he was the associate teacher in a foreign school and the Hansung normal school (漢城師範學校). He published 26 books. One of them, Rikwa (理科) as the science textbook covering all the areas of science, physics, chemistry, biology and earth science. That presented the knowledge, which students should know by proper method, induced students' interest and included various experiments. Hyun Chae's activity in science education as the author and translator of science textbooks was an important role on the forming science education in the enlightenment period because it was caught short of science textbooks. The author, translator, and publisher of science textbooks was of great significance to make science popular, which was the new culture. Therefore, the role and activities in science education of Hyun Chae was a part of the history of science education, he knew a foreign language and was the leader in facilitating exchange with foreign countries.

Sigma S Involved in Bacterial Survival of Ralstonia pseudosolanacearum (Ralstonia pseudosolanacearum 생존에 관여하는 Sigma S 역할)

  • Hye Kyung Choi;Eun Jeong Jo;Jee Eun Heo;Hyun Gi Kong;Seon-Woo Lee
    • Research in Plant Disease
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    • v.30 no.2
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    • pp.148-156
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    • 2024
  • Ralstonia pseudosolanacearum, a plant pathogenic bacterium that can survive for a long time in soil and water, causes lethal wilt in the Solanaceae family. Sigma S is a part of the RNA polymerase complex, which regulates gene expression during bacterial stress response or stationary phase. In this study, we investigated the role of sigma S in R. pseudosolanacearum under stress conditions using a rpoS-defective mutant strain of R. pseudosolanacearum and its wild-type strain. The phenotypes of rpoS-defective mutant were complemented by introducing the original rpoS gene. There were no differences observed in bacterial growth rate and exopolysaccharide production between the wild-type strain and the rpoS mutant. However, the wild-type strain responded more sensitively to nutrient deficiency compared to the mutant strain. Under the nutrient deficiency, the rpoS mutant maintained a high bacterial viability for a longer period, while the viability of the wild-type strain declined rapidly. Furthermore, a significant difference in pH was observed between the culture supernatant of the wild-type strain and the mutant strain. The pH of the culture supernatant for the wild-type strain decreased rapidly during bacterial growth, leading to medium acidification. The rapid decline in the wild-type strain's viability may be associated with medium acidification and bacterial sensitivity to acidity during transition to the stationary phase. Interestingly, the rpoS mutant strain cannot utilize acetic acid, D-alanine, D-trehalose, and L-histidine. These results suggest that sigma S of R. pseudosolanacearum regulates the production or utilization of organic acids and controls cell death during stationary phase under nutrient deficiency.

Indigenous traditional knowledge and ethnobotanical flora: a quantitative assessment of medicinal flora of Fateh Pur Thakyala, Azad Jammu, and Kashmir, Pakistan

  • Shakeel Sabir;Naveed Iqbal Raja;Rahmatullah Qureshi;Karamit Hussain
    • Journal of Ecology and Environment
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    • v.48 no.3
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    • pp.319-342
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    • 2024
  • Background: The current study is the first quantitative ethnobotanical evaluation of Fateh Pur Thakyala, an unexplored area of Azad Kashmir, Pakistan. The exploration and quantification of ethnobotanical knowledge among people of the study area mainly focused during field survey. The study likely focuses on documenting and preserving the indigenous knowledge and practices related to medicinal plants in the region. A total 70 informants (45 males and 25 females) selected randomly to collect data were interviewed using semi structured questionnaire. The data like demographic characteristics of informants, methods of preparation, life form, modes of application, parts used, and ethnomedicinal uses was documented. The quantitative indices including relative frequency of citation (RFC), use value (UV), informant consensus factor (ICF), fidelity level (FL), consensus value for plant part (CPP), rank order priority (ROP), percentage respondent knowledge (PRK), were applied to analyze the collected data. Furthermore, primary data were also compared with fifteen papers published from adjoining areas by Jaccard index (JI). Results: The current study reported 135 medicinally important plants species belonging to 115 genera and 54 families. The dominating family was Asteraceae (14 sp.), followed by Fabaceae (11 sp.), Rosaceae (11 sp.), Lamiaceae (8 sp.), Moraceae (5 sp.), Solanaceae, Cyperaceae, Euphorbiaceae (4 sp.) and Poaceae, Sapindaceae, Rhamnaceae, Mrytaceae, Malvaceae (3 sp.) for each. The study revealed that there were small differences in usage of medicinal plants of different families. The herbaceous life form was dominating the study area with (79 sp.) used as herbal medicines followed by shrubs (23 sp.) and trees (33 sp.). The comparative study of for novelty of species and their uses by JI revealed 13 novel plants species which were not reported earlier from this region. Conclusions: Local inhabitants still prioritize herbal medicines as an effective way to treat a wide variety of ailments. Elders and health practitioners of the study area are well aware of indigenous knowledge about medicinal plants, but young people are not much interested in herbal practices. Thus, valuable knowledge about the use of plants is on the verge of decline. The overexploitation and seasonal fires are major threats for medicinal flora in the area.

A Study on The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) of The Traditional Medicine of Japan (일본 '고증파(考證派)' 의학에 관한 연구)

  • Park, Hyun-Kuk;Kim, Ki-Wook
    • Journal of Korean Medical classics
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    • v.20 no.4
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    • pp.211-250
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    • 2007
  • 1. The 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金娥), Yoshida Koton(吉田篁墩) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li '(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 1739${\sim}$1798) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai, Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 1749${\sim}$1787) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論) and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯) 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai 's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋司"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue", "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Rits(森立之 1807${\sim}$ 1885) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai, a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("神農本草經"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"(神農本草經) and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"("枳園隨筆") that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"("說文解字") to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據). Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬 1804${\sim}$1876) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai, and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園). He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi" and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan" but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 912-955) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 1755-1810) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi" and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi" are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng" is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"("素問識"), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan lu Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"("難經疏證"), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"("疾雅"), "Ming Yi Gong An"("名醫公案"), and "Yi Ji Kao"("醫籍考"). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), Yuan Jian(元堅 1795-1857) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(樂匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素間紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"(傷寒廣要), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("該腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(失數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', 'the founding of Ji Shou Guan and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai ' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

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A Study on The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) of The Traditional Medicine of Japan (일본 '고증파(考證派)' 의학에 관한 연구)

  • Park, Hyun-Kuk;Kim, Ki-Wook
    • The Journal of Dong Guk Oriental Medicine
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    • v.10
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    • pp.1-40
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    • 2008
  • 1.The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai(折衷派)' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金峨), Yoshida Koton(古田篁墩 $1745{\sim}1798$) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li'(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 $1739{\sim}1798$) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken(伊澤蘭軒) taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai(澀江抽齋), Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 $1749{\sim}1787$) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論") and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯). 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken(伊澤蘭軒) and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋詞"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue"("金匱要略"), "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Ritsi(森立之 $1807{\sim}1885$) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken(伊澤蘭軒) and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai(狩谷掖齋), a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"("神農本草經") and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"(枳園隨筆) that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"(說文解字) to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據), Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬, $1804{\sim}1876$) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai(安積艮齋), and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園), He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju"("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi"("金匱要略疏義") and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan"(老醫巵言) but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 $912{\sim}955$) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 $1755{\sim}1810$) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi"("傷寒論輯義") and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi"("金匱要略輯義") are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng"("醫勝") is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"(素問識), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan Ju Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"(難經疏證), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"(疾雅), "Ming Yi Gong An"(名醫公案), and "Yi Ji Kao"(醫籍考). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), Yuan Jian(元堅 $1795{\sim}1857$) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(禦匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素問紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"("傷寒廣要"), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("診腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(矢數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', the founding of Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

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A Study on Bang-Yak-Hap-Py$\breve{u}$n (${\ll}$방약합편(方藥合編)${\gg}$에 대한 연구)

  • Kim, Hyung-Tae;Yoon, Chang-Yeul
    • Journal of Korean Medical classics
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    • v.5
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    • pp.151-199
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    • 1992
  • A study on Bang-Yak-Hap-Py$\breve{u}$n, one of the most widely-known Korean medicine books, has been conducted and the findings are as follows:the political and social background at the end of Yi-dynasty amidst the inflow of western civilization and the aggression of foreign forces can be seen as a historical period of trial, when civilization and independence had to be preserved at the same time, during the period, the social trend was to pursue a rapid practical solution rather than a profound theory. Responding to this trend, simple and easy medical science became to prevailand the representative medicine book of this kind was Bang-Yak-Hap-Py$\breve{u}$n. 1. Bang-Yak-Hap-Py$\breve{u}$n was written comprising the characteristics of simple and easy medical science with a view to popularizing-collection of logics, easy readability, medical science in time, etc. 2. Bang Yak-Hap-Py$\breve{u}$n, rich and grand in content, came out of Dong-$\breve{U}$i-Bo-Gam at the right moment as a pragmatic guide book of Korea medical practice symbolizing Korean spirit. 3. Do-yun Whang whose pen name was Hye-Am was born in Changwon, Kyungnam-do as the 18th descendant of Changwon Whang family. He engaged in medical practice in Seoul and wrote and edited Boo-Bang-Py$\breve{u}$n-Ram. $\breve{U}$i-Jong-Son-Ik, $\breve{U}$i-J$\breve{u}$ng-Son-Ik-Bu-Yeo, $\breve{U}$i-Bang-Whan-Tu, ect. and made his son, Pil-Su follow him and let him edit Bang-Yak-Hap-Py$\breve{u}$n, which put $\breve{U}$i-Bang-Whal-Tu and Son-Ik-Bon-Cho together. 4. The construct of Bang-Yak-Hap-Py$\breve{u}$n can be subdivied into three parts: herbs of 34 classes and 514 kinds were arranged on the upper part and $\breve{U}$i-Bang-Whal-Tu was arranged on the middle end lower part. Such arrangement can be very effective in clinics. 5. Bang-Yak-Hap-Py$\breve{u}$n as a curative book of Korean medical science has been a necessary another ego for many Korean medical practioners. It also played a great role of enhancing Korean oriental medical science to be widely used by Koreans. On the other hand, it produced a side effect of emergence of employed medical practioner who lacked in scholastic aptitude. 6. Tens or newly edited Bang-Yak-Hap-Py$\breve{u}$n have been issued. Among them, Jung-Jeong, Bang-Yak-Hap-py$\breve{u}$n, J$\breve{u}$ng-Mak-Bang-Yak-Hap-Py$\breve{u}$n. By$\breve{u}$n-J$\breve{u}$ng-Bang-Yak-Hap-Py$\breve{u}$n, and By$\breve{u}$n-J$\breve{u}$ng-Bang-Yak-Jung-Jeon have been widely known. Lately, Bang-Yak-Hap-Py$\breve{u}$n which includes more symptoms and remedies or is translated into Korean came out in several kinds. 7. The number of korea classical medicinal books quoted in Bang-Yak-Hap-Py$\breve{u}$n is 68, among which Dong-$\breve{U}$i-Bo-Gam Occupies the top in the list enlisting 69 medicinal treatment. This Shows that Dong-$\breve{U}$i-Bo-Gam gave birth to Bang-Yak-Hap-Py$\breve{u}$n.

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An Analysis of Referrals, Nursing Diagnosis, and Nursing Interventions in Home Care - Wonju Christian Hospital Community Health Nursing Service - (가정간호 기록지 분석 - 원주기독병원 가정간호 보건활동을 중심으로 -)

  • Suh, Mi-Hae;Huh, Hae-Kyung
    • Journal of Home Health Care Nursing
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    • v.3
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    • pp.53-66
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    • 1996
  • Home Health Care is one part of the total health care system. It includes health care services that link the hospital to the community. While it is important for early discharge patients, home care is also important for people with chronic illnesses or handicapping conditions. In 1989 the Korean government passed a law that opened the way for formal development of home health care services beginning with education programs to certify nurses for home care, and then demonstration home care services. Part of the mandate of the demonstration projects was evaluation of home care services. This study was done in order to provide basic data that would contribute to the development of records that could be used for evaluation through a retrospective audit and to examine the care that had been given in Home Care at Wonju Christian Hospital over a twenty year period from 1974 to 1994. The purposes of the study were : to identify to characteristics of the clients who had received home care, to identify the reasons for client referrals, to identify the nursing problems of these clients, to identify the nursing care provided to these clients, and to identify differences in these areas over the twenty year period. The study was a descriptive study involving a retrospective audit of the client records. Demographic data on all clients were included : 4,171 clients from 2,564 families. Data on referrals, nursing diagnosis and nursing interventions were from even numbered records which had a patient problem list included in the record, 2,801 clients, Frequencies and ANOVA were used in the analysis. The results of the study showed that the majority of the clients were from Wonju city /county. There were more women than men related to the high number of postpartum clients(1,300). The high number of postparttum clients and newborns was also evident in the age distribution. An the number of maternal-child clients decreased over the 20 years, the mean age of the clients increased significantly. Other factors also contributed to this change ; as increasing number of clients with brain injuries or with cancer, and fewer children with burns, osteomyelitis and tuberculosis. There was a decrease in the mean number of visits and mean length of coverage, reflecting a movement towards a short term acute care model. The number of new clents dropped sharply after 1985. The reasons for this are : the development of other treatment alternatives for clients, the establishment of an active wellbaby clinic, many more options plus a decreasing number of new cases of Hansen's Disase, and insurance that allows people with burns to be kept in hospital until skin grafts are healed. Socioeconomic changes have resulted in an increase in the number of cases of cancer, stroke, head injuries following car accidents, and of diabetes. Of the 2,801 client records, 2,541(60.9%) contained a written referral but for 1,802 it contained only the medical diagnosis. The number of records with a referral requesting specific nursing care was 739(29.1%). Many family members who were identified as in need of nursing care had no written referral. Analysis of the patient problem list showed that 41.9% of the enteries were nursing diagnoses. Others incuded medical diagnosis, symptoms, and plans. The most frequently used diagnoses were alteration in nutrition, less than body requirements(115 entries), alteration in skin integrity(114), knowledge deficit(111), pain(78), self-care deficit(66), and alteration in pattern of urinary elimination(50). These are reflected in the NANDA categories for which the highest number of diagnosis was in the Exchanging pattern(446), followed by Moving(178), Feeling(136) and Knowing (115). Analysis of the frequency of interventions showed that exercise and teaching about exercise was the most frequent intervention, followed by teaching concering the need for follow-up care, checking vital signs, managing nutritional problems, managing catheters, giving emotional support, changing dressings, teaching about medication, teaching (subject not specified), teaching about diet, IM and IV medications or fluid, and skin care, in that order. Recommendations included: development of a record that would allow for efficient recording of frequently used nursing diagnoses and nursing interventions: expansion of the catchment area for Home Care at Wonju Christian Hospital ; expansion of the service to provide complication prevention, rehabilitation services, and support to increase the health maintenance /health promotion of the people being served as well as providing client dentered care ; and development of a clinical record that will allow efficient data collection from records, even though the recording is done by a variety of health care providers.

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Expression of UT-A in Rat Kidney: Ultrastructural Immunocytochemistry (흰쥐 콩팥에서 요소운반체-A의 발현: 미세구조적 면역세포화학법)

  • Lim, Sun-Woo;Jung, Ju-Young;Kim, Wan-Young;Han, Ki-Hwan;Cha, Jung-Ho;Chung, Jin-Woong;Kim, Jin
    • Applied Microscopy
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    • v.32 no.2
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    • pp.91-105
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    • 2002
  • Urea transport in the kidney is mediated by a family of transporter proteins that includes renal urea transporters (UT-A) and erythrocyte urea transporters (UT-B). The cDNA of five isoforms of rat UT-A, UTA1, UT-A2, UT-A3, UT-A4, and UT-A5 have been cloned. The purpose of this study was to examine the expression of UT-A (L194), which marked UT-A1, UT-A2 and UT-A4. Male Sprague-Dawley rats, weighing approximately 200 g, were divided into three group: control rats had free access to water, dehydrated rats were deprived of water for 3 d, and water loaded rats had free access to 3% sucrose water for 3 d before being killed. The kidneys were preserved by in vivo perfusion through the abdominal aorta with the 2% paraformaldehyde-lysine- periodate (PLP) or 8% paraformaldehyde solution for 10 min. The sections were processed for immunohistochemical studies using pre-embedding immunoperoxidase method and immunogold method. In the normal rat kidney, UT-A1 was expressed intensely in the cytoplasm of the inner medullary collecting duct (IMCD) cell and UT-A2 was expressed on the plasma membrane of the terminal portion of the shortloop descending thin limb (DTL) cells (type I epithelium) and of the long-loop DTL cells (type II epithelium) in the initial part of the inner medulla. Immunoreactivity for UT-A1 in the IMCD cells, was decreased in dehydrated animals whereas strongly increased in water loaded animals compared with control animals. In the short-loop DTL, immunoreactivity for UT-A2 was increased in intensity in both dehydrated and water loaded groups. However, in the long-loop DTL of the outer part of the inner medulla, immunoreactivity for UT-A2 was markedly increase in intensity in dehydrated group, but not in water loaded group. In conclusion, in the rat kidney, UT-A1 is located in the cytoplasm of IMCD cells, whereas UT-A2 is located in the plasma membrane of both the short-and long-loop DTL cells. Immunohistochemistry studies revealed that UT-A1 and UT-A2 may have a different role in urea transport and are regulated by different mechanisms.

The Effect of Spiritual Nursing Intervention on Anxiety of the Hospice Patients (영적 간호중재가 호스피스 환자의 불안에 미치는 효과)

  • Yoon, Mae-Ok
    • Journal of Hospice and Palliative Care
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    • v.4 no.1
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    • pp.47-56
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    • 2001
  • Purpose : Surveying the effects on drop the anxiety of the hospice patients in spiritual nursing intervention with a quasi-experimental design using non-equivalent contrast group non-synchronized design to try in order to give the support which provide a holistic and individualizational nursing to comfort of hospice patients. Method : The results of survey were collected from 67 patients(67 subjects comprised 37 hospice patients of the experimental group and 30s of contrast) who were given hospice care from July to September of 2000 at the General Hospital in Cheon Ju city. The tool was used Spielberger's State Anxiety Scale, and the difference in the level of dropping anxiety among patient groups was analyzed with the mean, standard deviation, $x^2-test$. t-test and paired t-test. The spiritual nursing intervention was carried out through Hymn, Scripture, prayer, the therapeutic use of self over a period of three weeks. Results : 1) In general characters, men were a many more of the objects and the average age of the experimental and contrast group was 59.6, 55.9 respectively. The family of living together was $2{\sim}3$ members of most part. 2) There were not significant differences in the general, disease and therapeutic, religional characters between the experimental and contrast group. 3) The majority of the objects were cancer patients in disease and therapeutic characters(Experimental : 92%, Contrast : 95%). 4) After the spiritual nursing intervention state anxiety of the experimental group were remarkably lower than those of the contrast (t=-5.987, P=0.000). 5) Decreasing rate in the anxiety scores of before and post facto of the experimental group were remarkably lower than those of the contrast (t=6.237, P=0.000). Conclusion : The hospice patients who were offered spiritual nursing intervention became much lower than those who were not offered it in anxiety. Spiritual nursing intervention can be suited to field with one program of an effective that that relieved their anxieties. It is not only a very short time but has quite a little findings in part of spiritual nursing intervention. Therefore, further study in this field is necessary to concrete and substantial investigate in order to more and more increasing hospice patients in 21st century.

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