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A Study of Historical Costume from the Mural Tombs of Dukheungri (덕흥리(德興里) 고분벽화(古墳壁畵)의 복식사적(服飾史的) 연구(硏究))

  • Park, Kyung-Ja
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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    • v.5
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    • pp.41-63
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    • 1981
  • The mural portraits of the ancient Dukheungri tombs are very important for the study of our traditional costume because the tomb contains a stone. with the in-scription of the date of its erection, 408 A.D. and the name, and official status of the buried. The costumes shown in the mural paintings will be the basis on which historical research can be made concerning costumes before and after 400 A. D. The costume in the mural paintings is classified into five different categories; You (jacket), Po (overcoat), Go (trousers), Sang (skirt), and Gwan (hat). Comparing these categories with those of other mural paintings lead us to the following conclusions. 1. The length of the You (jacket) reaches below the buttocks and the sleeves are narrow. The edges of the sleeves are decorated with stripes. The You (jacket) over-laps on the right, center, and left sides, and there are many Jikryong (V-collar) and Danryong (rounded collar) styles, but it has a similar tendency to others of the Pyongyang area which exhibit many foreign influences. In a departure from tradition. the belts on the men's You (jackets) have only 3 knots in the front, with the back having more knots than the front. The belts of the women's You (jacket) seem to have had a band or button for fastening. We must re-evaluate the assumption that the You (jacket) and Go (trousers) of the northern peoples had the common characters of a belted You (jacket) and Po (over-coat) and that the Gorum originated from the Goryo or Unified Silla dynasty. The outside of the sleeves are longer and more to the side than the inner garment (underwear) so that the sleeves of the inner garment frequently overlapped the outer dress. The above mentioned facts have lead to the discovery of the "Hansam," "Tosi" and "Geodoolgi." 2. The Po (overcoat) was used only by the upperclasses and differs from those found in other mural tombs. The Po (overcoat) of the noble on the tomb mural is centered with an overlapping Jikryong (V-collar) while the other Po (overcoats) of the upperclasses are characterized by an overlap on the left, a Danryong (rounded collar) with two types of sleeves (wide and narrow). Foreign influences and traditional influences coexist in Po (overcoat). Belts have frontal knots without exceptions. The facts that the belts on the You (jackets) are on the front and the belts on the Po (overcoats) are on the back must be reexamined. 3. Go (trousers) is usually narrow, being wider in the rear and narrower below the knees. They were used by hunters on the back of horses with similar Go (trousers) from the Noinwoowha tombs being typical of the northern peoples. 4. Sang (skirts) are pleated as commonly seen in the Goguryo murals. The size of the pleat is varied, each pleat being characteristically wider and having different colors. Same types of pleat are discovered in Central Asia and China. It is uncertain whether the pleat of Goguryo was originated in Central Asia and China or only interrelated with those of the areas. 5. There are three kinds of Gwan (hats); Nagwan, Chuck, and Heukgun. Nag-wan was worn by the dead lords and their close relations. Chuck has three cone shaped horns. Heukgun was worn by military bandmen and horsemen. There are two kinds of hair styles. The up-style was used by the upperclass people closely related to lords, and other people used the Pungimoung hair style. The hair styles of the men and women are characterized by the Pungimoung style. which is a Chinese influence, but still retain their originality. The costume has a similar tendency from those from Yaksuri mural tombs, Anak No. 2 and Anak No. 3. We need to reexamine the costumes from $4{\sim}5$ century murals according to the Dukheungri murals. The costumes of Goguryo share many common factors with those of Western Asia, Central Asia and Ancient China (Han). It seems due to the cultural exchanges among the Northern peoples, the Western and Central Asians, and the Ancient Chinese. It may have resulted from the structural identity or morphological identity of the peoples, or their common social and natural environments and life styles. It will be very valuable to study the costumes of Japan, China, and Korea to find out the common factors. It is only regretful that the study is not based on direct observations but reported information made by 77 persons, because Dukheungri is an off-limits area to us.

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Situations and Challenges of ODA for Sustainability of Asian Cultural Heritage (아시아 문화유산의 지속가능성을 위한 ODA 현황과 과제)

  • Yu, Jae Eun
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.49 no.3
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    • pp.270-285
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    • 2016
  • Various opinions and discussions have been actively in progress which are connected with cultural heritage since 'Sustainable Development Goals, SDGs' was announced by UN Sustainable Development Summit 2015 as Post-2015 Development Agenda. Apart from SDGs, conservation of cultural heritage itself stands on the basis of sustainability that originality, characteristic, diversity of cultural heritage should be permanently preserved. From that point of view, it is necessary to understand practical ODA for cultural heritage, far from theoretical approaches and policies. This paper is intended to look into the domestic and overseas situation related to ODA of Asian cultural heritage and the mentioned problems, future plans and challenges. First, the background and concepts about ODA were described and then ODA projects which have been carried out by Japan and China as typical ODA countries for Southeast Asia were introduced. ODA of cultural heritage in Korea has relatively recently started for restoration work for historic sites of Laos and Cambodia and its scale and performance do not come to much yet. Therefore, to develop ODA of cultural heritage, there are suggestions as in the followings. First, it is necessary to have a long-term master plan of ODA projects for sustainability of cultural heritage. Second, based on the view from the long-term perspective, the selection and focus for ODA partner countries should be considered, avoiding short-term projects aiming at a number of countries. Not widespread existing projects by other countries, but the model of Korean ODA for cultural heritage only Korea can conduct should be prepared. The next thing is connection with sustainability, and ultimately the conservation of cultural heritage should result in benefit to the natives by giving an impetus to economy as well as fostering tourism of local areas. To accomplish that connection, educational training and building capacity are suggested as the most suitable alternatives. Cultural heritage of each country reflects its indigenous originality and characteristics, therefore, the restoration work should be conducted by people in each country as the best way. From this point of view, ACPCS held by National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage will take a role of a specialized training program in Korean way. Lastly, establishment of a control tower for ODA in Korea is necessary. JCIC(Japan Consortium for International Cooperation in Cultural Heritage), which was set up in Japan for sharing information, establishment of cooperation system and prevention of overlapped projects will be an example we can take into consideration.

The Effectiveness of Fiscal Policies for R&D Investment (R&D 투자 촉진을 위한 재정지원정책의 효과분석)

  • Song, Jong-Guk;Kim, Hyuk-Joon
    • Journal of Technology Innovation
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    • v.17 no.1
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    • pp.1-48
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    • 2009
  • Recently we have found some symptoms that R&D fiscal incentives might not work well what it has intended through the analysis of current statistics of firm's R&D data. Firstly, we found that the growth rate of R&D investment in private sector during the recent decade has been slowdown. The average of growth rate (real value) of R&D investment is 7.1% from 1998 to 2005, while it was 13.9% from 1980 to 1997. Secondly, the relative share of R&D investment of SME has been decreased to 21%('05) from 29%('01), even though the tax credit for SME has been more beneficial than large size firm, Thirdly, The R&D expenditure of large size firms (besides 3 leading firms) has not been increased since late of 1990s. We need to find some evidence whether fiscal incentives are effective in increasing firm's R&D investment. To analyse econometric model we use firm level unbalanced panel data for 4 years (from 2002 to 2005) derived from MOST database compiled from the annual survey, "Report on the Survey of Research and Development in Science and Technology". Also we use fixed effect model (Hausman test results accept fixed effect model with 1% of significant level) and estimate the model for all firms, large firms and SME respectively. We have following results from the analysis of econometric model. For large firm: i ) R&D investment responds elastically (1.20) to sales volume. ii) government R&D subsidy induces R&D investment (0.03) not so effectively. iii) Tax price elasticity is almost unity (-0.99). iv) For large firm tax incentive is more effective than R&D subsidy For SME: i ) Sales volume increase R&D investment of SME (0.043) not so effectively. ii ) government R&D subsidy is crowding out R&D investment of SME not seriously (-0.0079) iii) Tax price elasticity is very inelastic (-0.054) To compare with other studies, Koga(2003) has a similar result of tax price elasticity for Japanese firm (-1.0036), Hall((l992) has a unit tax price elasticity, Bloom et al. (2002) has $-0.354{\sim}-0.124$ in the short run. From the results of our analysis we recommend that government R&D subsidy has to focus on such an areas like basic research and public sector (defense, energy, health etc.) not overlapped private R&D sector. For SME government has to focus on establishing R&D infrastructure. To promote tax incentive policy, we need to strengthen the tax incentive scheme for large size firm's R&D investment. We recommend tax credit for large size film be extended to total volume of R&D investment.

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Studies on the Directivity of Gokjungkyeong(Kyung Overlapped with Gok) which was specified in Byeokgye-ri, Yangpyeong-gun and the Hwaseo Lee, Hang-ro's Management in Byeokwon Garden (양평 벽계리에 설정된 곡중경(曲中景)의 지향성과 화서(華西) 이항로(李恒老)의 벽원(蘗園) 경영)

  • Jung, Woo-Jin;Rho, Jae-Hyun
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.34 no.3
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    • pp.78-97
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    • 2016
  • The objectives of this study are to examine the context of the establishment of Suhoe Gugok, Byeokgye Gugok Vally, and Nosan Palkyung, which have been established in Seojong-myeon of Yangpyeong-gun, by literature review and site investigations, and to determine the sceneries of Byeokgye scenic site as enjoyed and managed during the period of Hwaseo Lee, Hang-ro(華西 李恒老). The results of the study are as follows. First, Byeokgye Gugok Vally(黃蘗九曲) and Nosan Palkyung(蘆山八景), which have been established after the period of Hwaseo and theorized to have been established around key scenic areas associated with Hwaseo's activities, the analysis results showed that they were collecting sceneries of modern times. The extensive overlap between Byeokgye Gugok Vally and concentrated scenic elements of Suhoe Gugok(水回九曲), and the artificial configuration from the end point of Suhoe Gugok to the beginning point of Nosan Palkyung, reveal the pattern of space conflict and hegemony between Byeokgyes of Suip-ri and Nomun-ri. This is likely to be caused by the conflict between the historicity of the group that enjoyed Byeokgye prior to Hwaso's period and the strong territoriality of the space filled with the image of Hwaseo. Second, Byeokgye Gugok Vally was the secondary spatial system created by selecting the most scenic sites in Suip-ri while expanding the area of Nosan Palkyung. After establishment of Byeokgye Gugok Vally, the spatial identity of the entire Byeokgyecheon area was effectively established. This was a "Hwaseo-oriented" move, including the complete exclusion of the scenic sites from the pre-Hwaseo period such as Cheongseo Gujang and Suhoe Gugok's Letters Carved on the Rock. Consequently, the entire Byeokgyecheon area was reorganized into a cultural scenic site with Heoseo's influence. Third, Fifth, creations of Gugok(九曲) to determine the lineage of the Hwaseo School from Juja(朱子) to Yulgok(栗谷) to Uam(尤庵) to Hwaseo is likely to be an opportunity of birth and external motivation of the establishment of new Gugok Palkyung. In other words, Nosan Palkyung and Byeokgye Gugok Vally are likely to have been created as a reaction to the change of the center of the Hwaseo School to Okgyedong, and with strategic orientation based on the motivation and needs such as creation of the connecting space between Mui Gugok, Gosan Gugok, and Okgye Gugok, and the elevation of Hwaseo's status. Fourth, from the Hwaseo's Li-centric point of view, all revered sites in Beokwon(蘗園) that he managed existed as the spatial creative work to experience the existence of "li" through the objects in the landscape and the boundary of the spirit of emptiness of the aesthetic self. This clearly shows how Byeokgye Gugok Vally or Nosan Palkyung must be defined, and furthermore, appreciated and approached, prior to discussing it as the space associated with Hwaseo. Fifth, Nosan Palkyung was composed of cultural scenic landscapes of Gokjungkyung(曲中景) with eight scenic sites where Hwaseo gave his teachings and spend time around, in the Byeokgye of Nomun-ri area of Byeokgye Gugok Vally. The sceneries is, however, collected by depending on Hwaseo's Letters Carved on the Rock and poetry. Consequently, an inner exuberance of Nosan Palkyung is satisfied beside Byeokgye Gugok Vally, but its conceptual adequacy leaves room for questions.

A Study on the Historical Values of the Changes of Forest and the Major Old Big Trees in Gyeongbokgung Palace's Back Garden (경복궁 후원 수림의 변화과정 및 주요 노거수군의 역사적 가치규명)

  • Shin, Hyun-Sil
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.40 no.2
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    • pp.1-13
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    • 2022
  • This paper examined the history and development of Gyeongbokgung Palace's back garden based on historical materials and drawings such as Joseon Ilgi(Diaries of Joseon Dynasty), Joseon Wangjo Sillok(the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty), Doseongdaejido(the Great Map of Seoul), Bukgwoldohyeong(Drawing Plan of the Northern Palace), the Bukgung Palace Restoration Plan, Restoration Planning of Gyeongbokgung Palace and the following results were derived. First, it was confirmed that the Back Garden of Gyeongbokgung Palace was famous for its great location since the Goryeo Dynasty, and that it was named Namkyeong at that time and was a place where a shrine was built, and that castles and palaces were already built during the Goryeo Dynasty under the influence of Fengshui-Docham(風水圖讖) and Zhouli·Kaogongji(周禮考工記). Although the back garden of Gyeongbokgung Palace in the early Joseon Dynasty stayed out of the limelight as a back garden for the palace, it has a place value as a living space for the head of the state from King Gojong to the present. Second, in order to clearly identify the boundaries of back garden, through literature such as map of Doseongdo (Map of the Capital), La Coree, Gyeongmudae Area, Japanese Geography Custom Compendium, Korean Photo Album, JoseonGeonchukdoJip(The Illustration Book of Joseon Construction), Urban Planning Survey of Gyeongseong, it was confirmed that the current Blue House area outside Sinmumun Gate was built outside the precincts of Gyeongbokgung Palace. It was found that the area devastated through the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592, was used as a space where public corporations were combined through the process of reconstruction during the King Gojong period. In Japanese colonial era, the place value as a back garden of the primary palace was damaged, as the palace buildings of the back garden was relocated or destroyed, but after liberation, it was used as the presidential residence and restored the place value of the ruler. Third, in the back garden of Gyeongbokgung Palace, spatial changes proceeded through the Japanese Invasion and Japanese colonial era. The place with the greatest geographical change was Gyeongnongjae area, where the residence of the Japanese Government-General of Korea was built, and there were frequent changes in the use of the land. On the other hand, the current Gyeongmudae area, the forests next to the small garden, and the forests of Baekak were preserved in the form of traditional forests. To clarify this, 1:1200 floor plan of inner Gyeongmudae residence and satellite images were overlapped based on Sinmumun Gate, and as a result, it was confirmed that the water path originating from Baekak still exists today and the forest area did not change. Fourth, in the areas where the traditional forest landscape was inherited, the functional changes in the topography were little, and major old-age colonies are maintained. The old trees identified in this area were indicator tree species with historical value. Representatively, Pinus densiflora for. multicaulis Uyeki, located in Nokjiwon Garden, is presumed to have been preserved as one of Pinus densiflora for. multicaulis Uyeki planted next to Yongmundang, and has a historicality that has been used as a photo zone at dinners for heads of state and important guests. Lastly, in order to continuously preserve and manage the value of Gyeongbokgung Palace in Blue House, it is urgent to clarify the space value through excavation of historical materials in Japanese colonial era and establish a hierarchy of garden archaeology by era. In addition, the basis for preserving the historical landscape from the Joseon Dynasty to the modern era from Gyeongbokgung Palace should not damage the area of the old giant trees, which has been perpetuated since the past, and a follow-up study is needed to investigate all the forests in Blue House.