• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.99-147
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• 2016

This paper critically reviews the previous discussion over public engagement with science and technology by Science and Technology Studies literatures with a focus on justification and acceptance. Recent studies pointed out that the "participatory turn" after the late 1990s was followed by confusion and disagreement over the meaning and agency of public engagement. Their discussion over the reproduction of the ever-present boundary between science and society along with so-called late modernity and post-normal science and sometimes through the very processes of public engagement draws fresh attention to the old problem: how can lay participation in decision-making be justified, even if we agree that privileging the position of experts in governance of science and technology is no longer justified? So far STS have focused on two conditions for participatory turn-1) uncertainties inherent in experts' ways of knowing and 2) practicability of lay knowledge. This paper first explicated why such discussion has not been logically sufficient nor successful in promoting a wide and well-thought-out acceptance of public engagement. Then the paper made a preliminary attempt to explain what new types of expertise can support the construction and sustainment of participatory governance in science and technology by focusing on one case of lay participation. The particular case discussed by the paper revolves around the actions of a civil organization and an activist who led legal and regulatory changes in wind power development in Jeju Special Self-governing Province. The paper analyzed the types of expertise constructed to be effective and legitimate during the constitution of participatory energy governance and the local society's support for it. The arguments of this paper can be summarized as follows. First, an appropriate basis of the normative claim that science and technology governance should make participatory turn cannot be drawn from the essential characteristics of lay publics-as little as of experts. Second, the type of 'expertise' which can justify participatory governance can only be constructed a posteriori as a result of the practices to re-construct the boundaries between factual statements and value judgment. Third, an intermediary expertise, which this paper defines as a type of expertise in forming human-nonhuman associations and their new pathways for circulations, made significant contribution in laying out the legal and regulatory foundation for revenue sharing in Jeju wind power development. Fourth, experts' conventional ways of knowing need to be supplemented, not supplanted, by lay expertise. Ultimately, the paper calls for the necessity to extend STS discussion over governance toward following the actors. What needs more thorough analysis is such actors' narratives and practices to re-construct the boundaries between the past and present, facts and values, science and society. STS needs a renewed focus on the actual sites of conflicts and decision-making in discussing participatory governance.

• Journal of Ginseng Culture
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• v.1
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• pp.78-92
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• 2019

Among the Southeast Asian countries, Vietnam had the most cultural exchange with Korea. Through Confusion and Chinese character, which were the common measure for two countries, Korea and Vietnam could communicate and share a sentiment with each other. Two countries showed an enormous interest in each other, and hence they could keep good relationship without official diplomatic relations. During the early 19th century, Korean Ginseng had gained tremendous popularity in Vietnam. Vietnamese believed the stamina of Minh Mang, who had 142 sons and daughters, originated from ginseng. Minh Mang bestowed ginseng on old courtiers for their contribution, which made them more loyal to the king. This tradition was inherited to the future generations, and soldiers who fought with Thai, Cambodia and France also received ginseng for their contribution. In other words, ginseng was the very important key for enforcement of patriotism. Due to the tradition, Korean ginseng has been considered as the premium ginseng in Vietnam. It is presumed that ginseng flew into Vietnam through 4 routes; 1) as an imperial gift from Chinese emperor, 2) by the Vietnamese ambassadors who went to Beijing for a tribute, 3) through private trade and 4) from Ryukyu or Japan, which were the hub of international trade. From 15th to 18th century, ambassadors from Chosun and Vietnam actively interacted in Beijing. Through their interchange, Vietnamese royal family could learn about the value of ginseng. The fact that there were many Shilhak scholars among the ambassadors from Joseon, such as Seo Geojeong and Seo Hosu who had profound knowledge of ginseng proves the theory. It is also possible that reputation of ginseng was already established in Vietnam during Silla period. Ko Byung, an bureaucrat from Tang Dynasty who ruled Vietnam for 10 years in middle 9th century and a friend of Choi Chiwon, might have delivered the knowledge of ginseng to the upper class in Vietnam. This hypothesis, however, should be proven by literatures. Hence, further research about the trace of Korean ginseng in Vietnamese history and literary works still remains to be done.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.42
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• pp.257-290
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• 2021

The Wonju Nongyo (agricultural work song) is geographically classified as eastern minyo (folk song) which has many distinctive, regional features such as tunes, forms and the use of a melodic line. There has been growing attention to the transmission value of the nongyo including the Wonju Eorirang of the Wonju Origol Nongyo and its region of origin. The Wonju Nongyo is of great value and worthy of preservation in the western part of Gangwon Province. For this reason, it seems fairer to say that a focus should be directed towards establishing the identity of the song and increasing the contextualisation of transmission. At the same time, the preservation association's efforts in passing the traditional song down and education activities fairly deserve equal attention. In addition to the way the folk songs are handed down, a discussion on the facilitation of their use will be required. An in-depth discussion about the restoration and use of the song will be encouraged in a multifaceted manner. Unfortunately, few of the previous literatures on nongyo has gone so far as to investigate Arirang as a separate research topic. In fact, the Wonju Origol Nongyo should be viewed as an intangible cultural asset that paved the way for performance artistry of the Korean agricultural work songs to be seen at a national folk art festival. From the perspective of regional characteristics (traditionally termed "tori"), the Wonju Eorirang represents the cultural value of the manners and customs of our locals which constitute unwritten and neglected literary property and musicality of the song. Particularly, a more attention should be paid to making a record of woodcutters and diversity of farmers' small cooperative groups. The existence of the Wonju Eorirang indicates that the melodies to which the song are sung in Nongyo are of infinite variety. A minyo-singer unfolds various journeys of life through various modes and structure of epic chants, ranging from first encounter, love to marriage, realistic problems to relationship with husband's family and death. The epic chant of the Wonju Origol Nongyo contains a rich variety of regional sentiments about life. In particular, the epic chants of the Galtteukgisor and Ssoeltteukgisori are a genius example of sexual satire and a sense of humor. In the past, the agricultural work songs were rhythmic songs served to synchronize physical movements in groups, coordinating tasks in upland farming and rice paddy with the usage of catchy, repetitive verses easy to pass down. The Wonju Origol Nongyo is a precursor of the work songs which took the farming activities a notch higher to be part of the excitement and festivals. In the context of transmission, a festival serves to demonstrate the value of history and life. The value of the Wonju Eorirang should be appreciated and a concerted effort should be made to find a way to facilitate the transmission of the folk song. A folk-singer is a traditional oral poet and a storyteller of minyo and the forms and species of melody solely depend on the signer. The combination of performance and witticism is shown by the singer freely expressing himself. The Origol Nongyo symbolizes ethnic arts cleverly combining playful effects such as tune, rhythm and old agricultural work of the region. It is to be hoped that much of the efforts is directed to designating such folk songs as the archetype of a cultural heritage. In terms of the foundation on which the folk songs are transmitted, the usage(Performance Content) of a community would be an alternative.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.29
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• pp.89-123
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• 2010

As above, as theoretical basis of critiques against School of Mohism, the researcher summarized the positions of the elder Confucian scholars including Meng Zi. In the body of text, taking it as promises, the researcher examined the critiques against Mo Tzu and School of Mohism as well focusing on the aspects and development of the theory of rejecting heterodoxy which had been introduced and strongly argued from the end of Goryeo kingdom to the late Joseon period. The summary of the body of this text is as follows: In the old literatures prior to Goryeo Kingdom, the researcher couldn't find any cases that either the School of Mohism or Mo Tzu including the Hundred Schools of Thought had been rejected explicitly. Having reached the end of Goryeo and the beginning of Joseon period, Meng Zi's viewpoints on the theory of rejecting heterodoxy had begun to emerge and come into play with the progress of accepting Neo-Confucianism, and, these critiques against Yang Zhu and Mo Tzu being given, the scholar-literati circle had started rejecting Buddhism and Lao Tzu. Basically the contents of the critiques against the School of Mohism in the early period of Joseon were in succession to Meng Zi's theory of rejecting heterodoxy and the views and thoughts of the elder Confucian scholars including Han Yu rather than any specific critiques against Mo Tzu' ideology itself. Until entering the middle of Joseon period, the critiques against the School of Mohism had been used as a tool to promote Confucianism in an affirmative manner, while arguing strongly against the viewpoint of Han Yu in the first place. Particularly, not only the original text of the Mo Tzu's writings were directly quoted, although it was partial, but also the contents of the critiques against the School of Mohism had been developed and stretched to the extent of their entire ideological system. Having approached to the late period of Joseon, the critiques against the School of Mohism had begun to be linked to those critiques against the study of state examination or of sentence patterns including Catholic Church, furthermore the critics raised their harsh tones against the irregularities of the society at large like the issue of corruptions of the government officials of those days instead, although they still had firmly stood on the ground of the theory of rejecting heterodoxy. Those scholars that belonged to the School of Practical Learning, in particular, said in justification of the School of Mohism arguing that the major ideologies of Mo Zi had usefulness in the real world, also they even evaluated that Meng Zi ' critiques against the School of Mohism were immoderate. To sum up, characteristics of scholars in the Joseon period to understand and critique the School of Mohism are that ideologies of Mo Tzu were mostly used as a tool for the sake of critiques against heresies in other sectors of society based mainly on Meng Zi's theory of rejecting heterodoxy, rather than opposing views against the ideologies or philosophies of the School of Mohism itself. Meanwhile, however, on the plus side, the critics praised Mo Tzu's individual efforts in order to put his ideology of peace into practice apart from the ideological system of the School of Mohism. Also, having reached the late period of Joseon, the researcher was able to have discovered the fact that the writings of Mo Tzu had been used as historical materials in order to ascertain historical truths of Confucian Scriptures, rather not having it regarded as an ideology text.

• Journal of the Korean Society of School Health
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.58-90
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• 1989

This study was attempted to contribute to the development of school health by providing the basic data about the distribution basis and distribution aspect of teachers holding additional school health that are in charge of school health business in parimary schools, middle schools and high schools without any nurse-teacher. This study analyzed literatures about the history, related laws, organization and professional manpower of school health. The emphasis was set on the distribution basis of theachers holding additional school health. The results of this study are as following: 1. The school health of the world dates to the late 18th century in Europe where was free supplying with food for poor children. The school health of Korea orginated from smallpox vaccination which was executed with appearance of modern schools in the late 19th century. 2. The related laws of school health began as a part of Education Law with was constituted in 1949. By the School Health Law constituted in 1967 and the enforcement ordinance of School Health made firm the legal basis of school health. 3. The administrative organs of school health are the Ministry of Education in center and each Board of Education in cities and provinces. For the first time in 1979, the department of school health was established in the organization of the Ministry of Education. And at about the same time of establishment of the department of school health, health section was established in the department of social physical-training in locality. 4. In the manpower of school health which was presented in the related statute of school health, there are the ward chief of education, the superintendent of educational affair, of cities and districts, the mayors, the governors of provinces, the school managers, the principals, the school doctors, the school pharmacists, and the nurse-teachers, including teachers holding additional school health as the practical manpower of school health. 5. In order to get some information on distribution aspect of teachers additional school health, this study made up a questionnaire from August 3 to August 11, 1988. The subjects of this study were 212 leachers who took part in the yearly training for teachers holding additional school health from Kyunggi province, Chungbuk province and Jeonbuk province. The results of the questionnaire are as following: 1. The distribution percentages of teachers holding additional school health according to each Board of Education wich schools are subject to, are as following:70.1% (Kyunggi), 76.5% (Chungbuk), and 81.4% (Jeonbuk). There was a significant difference. The distribution percentages of teachers holding additional school health according to the school levels of 3 provinces are as following: 74.1% (Primary schools), 77.8% (Middle schools), 76.7% (High schools). There were little significant differences. 2. The distribution according to the general characteristics of the subject schools: There were 64.2 percent of primary schools and 35.8 percent of middle schools among 212 schools. 91. 5 percent of schools were located in districts. Public schools formed 55.7% and then national schools were higher in percentage than private schools. 58.5 percent of schools had 1-9 classes, 64.6 percent of schools had 101-500 students, and 90 percents of schools had 1-20 teachers. In considering student sex, the coed school showed the high distribution percentage (Primary schools : 100%, Middle schools: 81.6%). 3. The distribution according to the characteristics of teachers holding additional school health: 93.3 percent of teachers were female, and more than 60 percent of teachers were 20-29 years old. As the age got higher, the percentage became lower. There were little significant differences by marital status. In considering their educational status, 86.8 percent of teachers in primary schools were from teacher's colleges, and 64.5 percent of teachers in middle schools were from education colleges. In considering teaching career, 46.7 percent of teachers had teaching career of less than 2 years. 73.6 percent of teachers had held additional school health for less than one year. More than 80 percent of teachers had participated in the training one time or twice. More than 70 percent of teachers had 1-2 additional jobs except for the school health business. The motivation to hold additional school health is most caused by mandatory order, which accounts for more than 80.0 percent. In considering interesting degree concerning school health, lukewarm answer is the highest of 62.7 percent, followed by affirmative answer of 23.6 percent. In considering their contentment degree respecting additional school health job, "discontent or very discontent"is the highest of 47.6 percent. As a descontent reason of additional school health job, overwork is the highest factor of 37.9 percent. Among addiitional school health job, the most difficult affair is nursing service to be 34.0 percent, followed by health education of 31.6 percent. It testify the need of professional. The source of knowledge about school health has been acquired from masscommunication or private health experience, which account for as much as 56.1 percent. It shows seriousness of lack of professionalism. With regard to neccessity of school health experts, 95.8 percent represents absolute need. With above consideration of study results, I propose as follows : 1. I propose that the authorities concerned unify and improve statute respecting current school health which has not been steadfastly supporting school health business by ambiguity of expression and dualization. 2. I propose that the authorities concerned give the school manager, school staffs and parents of students educational chance with which they can acknowledge the importance of school health and in which they can participate as well as set up alternative policy plan to be albe to vitalize school health committee. 3. I propose that administrative organization practicable to taking totally charge of school health business is established within the Ministry of Education. 4. I propose that the authorities concerned back up and cooperate in an attempt by make school health better and desirable toward development by way of appointing qualitied health teachers on the basis of legally regular teacher staffs.

• Journal of Music and Human Behavior
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• v.4 no.2
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• pp.84-105
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• 2007

Cerebral palsy is a collection of motor disorders resulting from damage to the central nervous system that arise in multiple handicaps including cognitive disorders, speech disorders, epilepsy, perception disorders, and emotion disorders. Today spastic cerebral palsy has become more prevalent because intensive care for newborns has resulted in higher survival rates for very small premature babies. Since the children grow the fastest in order for a development during one year after birth, the therapeutic intervention is provided as early as possible to the children with cerebral palsy. After seven year old, there is no effect of intervention. So, the necessity of early intervention to spastic cerebral palsied infants is increasing. The purpose of this study is to develop the music therapy activity program using the techniques of neurological music therapy(NMT), the therapeutic application of music to dysfunctions due to neurologic disease of the human nervous system, for rudimentary movement phase of spastic cerebral palsied infant. This music therapy activity program was developed on the basis of the major developmental tasks of the rudimentary movement phase, the period that children can acquire the most basic movement function at the 0 to 2. Then the developmental characteristics of spastic cerebral palsy were applied to this music therapy activity program. This music therapy activity program was classified to three domains, those are stability, locomotion, and manipulation. This study has been consisted of three steps, those are the development of the activities, the evaluation of the activities by th panels, and the adjustment and complement of the activities. Reviewing literatures and interviews were done for the development of the activities, and the evaluation the activities was done by seven music therapists. In the evaluation steps, the questionnaire was used for estimating the content validity and application efficiency. The adjustment and complement of the activities were evaluated by the panels who were participating in the music therapy for cerebral palsied children in the clinical setting, and the results of the adjustment and complement were confirmed by the panels. The evaluation was presented in a mean value with the comment of the panels. In conclusion, the music therapy activity program for the spastic cerebral palsied infants using the techniques of NMT was developed on the basis of the major developmental tasks of the rudimentary movement phase. The program is comprised of 38 activities, those are 14 activities for developing the stability, 10 activities for developing the locomotion, and 14 activities for developing the manipulation. The programed activities would bring out the answers in the affirmative for the conformance with infants' development phase, the harmony between the objective and the activity, the conformance with the cerebral palsied infants, the properness of the music and the instruments, and the utility in the clinic field. This results mean that this developed music activity program is appropriate to help spastic cerebral palsied infants progress their movement development by stages.