• Korean Journal of Occupational Health Nursing
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.23-43
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• 1997

The work-related diseases due to continuous overwork are mainly cerebro- and cardio-vascular ones, which is commonly called 'Karoshi', death from overwork. Many factors are capable for Karoshi : occupational stress in relation to technological renovation and industrial rationalization, competitive social structure, and accumulated fatigue accured to long time or irregular working. And its occurence is on the rise. The World Labor Report 1993 released by ILO, pointed out the diseases related to overwork and stress as one of the most important occupational health problem. In Korea, social awareness of Karoshi is at an infant stage, and reliable statistics for its occurence are not compiled in a convenient manner. Despite the rising Karoshi, there are no reliable clauses in workmen's compensation enough to settle down the disputes. Therefore, it is not uncommon that the Labour Ministry and Civil Court find difficulties in reaching an agreement. This study was intended to provide proper compensation and prevention program for workers by suggesting reasonable compensation clauses for the death from overwork. This study consists of two comparative reviews on the compensaton clauses for the death from overwork. One is to review legal standards of Karoshi among three countries, such as Korea, Japan and Taiwan. The other is to investigate the cases of Karoshi in Korea, 121 cases identified at the Labor Welfare Corperation and the Labour Ministrial process of examination and reexamination, and 73 leading cases at the High Court of Justice. The main findings of the study are as follows : 1. Comparisons of comperative review on compensation clauses for the death from overwork among three countries. 1) All of three countries have the same kinds of disease for compensation, which were cerebro-and cardiao-vascular diseases, while for cardiac disease group, Korea has the smaller number of diseases for compensation than Japan. 2) As for the definition of overwork, the three countries share equally that overload for one week prior to collapse is considered as an important factor, but accumulated chronic fatigue is disregarded. 3) As the basis of overwork, in Japan, there is a tendency to move from the conditions of an ordinary healthy adult to those of the individual concerned in Japan, whereas there is no such concern yet in Korea. 4) All the three countries use a common standard of medical judgement in demonstrating causal relationship between a job and a disease. However, Korea is progressive in the sense that in the case of CVA at worksite, the worker himself has no obligation to prove the cause. 2. The results of a comparative review on excutive decisions by Labor Ministry and judicial decisions by the Court in Korea : A judicial decision is based on the legalistic probability, but a excutive decision is not. Therefore, excutive decisions have such restrictions that : 1) TIA (transitory ischemic cerebral attack) and myocarditis are excluded from compensation, and there is little consistency of decision in the case of cause-unknown death. 2) There is a tendency not to compensate for the death from overwork since the work terms such as repeated long-time working, shift work or night-shift work are not considered as overloading. 3) There is a tendency to regard the conditions of a ordinary healthy adult rather than those of the individual concerned(age, existing diseases, health state, etc.) as the comparative basis of overload. 4) There remains a tendency not to compensate for the death from overwork in the case of collapse occuring out of workplace, on the ground of 'on the course of working' and 'in the cause of accident'. Through the study, the fact manifests itself that Korea's compensation clauses for work-related diseases due to overwork are very restrictive. So, it is necessary to extend the Labor Ministry's clauses of compensation for the death from overwork following to the recent changes of other countries and internal judicial decisions. This is very important in the perspective of occupational health that aims at health promotion of workers including prevention of the Karoshi.

• Journal of muscle and joint health
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.90-103
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• 1996

The purpose of this paper is to compare two approach to assessment of coping patterns. The sampling method was a purposive sampling technique. The study participants were out patients 113 of rheumatoid arthritis center of one University hospitals in Seoul. Datas were collected from Nov. 13 to Nov. 24, 1995. The instruments used for this study were Graphic Rating Scales of pain, The Beck Depression Inventory and Coping Patterns tool. The collected data were analyzed for frequency, means, SD, factor analysis., Pearsons' correlations and ANOVA. The results were summerized as follows ; 1. When raw scores were used : there were not correlation in all three coping patterns. 2. When relative scores were used : there were significantly correlated in all three coping patterns. 1) Active coping and Positive-cognitive coping (r=-0.352, p< 0.0001) 2) Positive-cognitive coping and Negative-cognitive coping (r=-0.594, p< 0.0001) 3) Active coping and Negative-cognitive coping(r=-0.544, p< 0.0001) The results of this research with relative scales provided more insight into the correlation in all three coping patterns. 3. Pearsons' Correlations were computed for each coping pattern, age, pain level, duration of pain and BDI. 1) Using raw score : (1) Active coping was significantly related to pain level(sensory score ; r=0.268, p<0.05, affective score ; r=0.266, p< 0.05) (2) Positive-cognitive coping was significantly related to age (r=-0.252, p< 0.05), pain level (sensory score ; r= -0.244, p< 0.05) (3) Negative-cognitive coping was significantly related to depression level (r=0.312 p< 0.0001). 2) Using relative score (1) Active coping was significantly related to pain level(sensory score ; r=0.299, p<0.05, affective score ; r=0.246, p< 0.05) (2) Positive-cognitive coping was significantly related to age (r= -0.187, P< 0.05), pain level (sensory score ; r=-0.317, p<0.0001, affective score : r=-0.305, p<0.0001) and depression level(-0.339, p<0.0001)) (3) Negative-cognitive coping was significantly related to depression. level(r=0.313, p<0.0001). 4. When raw and realtive coping scores were compared to those of age groups, religious groups and BDI level(high, middle, low) ; 1) Using raw score : (1) Active coping : there were not significantly difference (2) Positive-cognitive coping ; 20-39 age group and 50-59age group had significantly higher scores than over 60age group. BDI-low level group had significantly higher scores than other groups. (3) Negative-cognitive coping : 20-39age group and over 60age group had significantly higher scores than 40-49age group. Non-religious group had significantly higher scores than christian group. BDI-high level group had significantly higher scores than other groups. 2) Using relative score : (1) Active coping : over 60 age group had significantly higher scores than 20-39 age group and 40-49age group had significantly higher scores than 20-39 age group (2) Positive-cognitive coping ; 40-49age group, 20-39age group and 50-59age group had significantly higher scores than over 60age group. Christian group had significantly higher scores than non-religious group. BDI-low level group had significantly higher scores than other groups. (3) Negative-cognitive coping ; Non-religious group had significantly higher scores than christian group and buddhistic group. BDI-high level group had significantly higher scores than other groups. The current data suggest that relative scores may yield a different perspective on coping patters than raw scores. The use of relative scores reveals the relation clearly, without its being blurred statistically by the effect of other coping strategies or being relegated to a partial correlation. The use of relative scores holds promise for delineating the relations between ways of coping and health-related behavior.

• Journal of the Korean housing association
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• v.18 no.5
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• pp.65-72
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• 2007

What is the meaning of home to older people? How much is home significant for older people? How do they express self-identity through decorating their own homes? These are the new subjects that scholars in the West are involved in lately in terms of micro-perspective (George, 1998; Kellett, Gilroy & Jason, 2005; Gilroy & Kellett, 2006). It is evident that home has more significant meaning to older people than other age groups, since the older are more likely to spend greater time within the home through lower income, lessening mobility or loss of companions (Gilroy, 2005). Also the older tend to cling to their homes and attach to possessions than the younger. Older people's possessions are the things that memories of their lives were absorbed. Therefore, possession display can role as a mean of showing their past lives and memories. Gilroy and her colleagues (2005, 2006) found that there was a certain pattern of possession display in English older people's households, and that older people would like to express self-identity through decorating their own homes with their precious possessions. Then, isn't it interesting to find out if there is any pattern of possession display or decoration items in Korean older people's households as well? Thus, the aim of this study is to describe pattern of possession display as a mean of expressing self-identity in Korean older people's households. Interview with older people was used to find out the way and reason of display possessions. Observation method including taking photos and hand-drawings was also added in order to demonstrate detail condition of display items in the house. Possessions display and furniture arrangement in the living room and bedroom were investigated to find out a certain pattern of display and meaning. Research objects were healthy older people aged over 60, who are living independently from their adult children, and who can manage housekeeping by themselves. 32 households were investigated in the area of Seoul, Kyunggi, Chungchungnam, and Kangwon provinces. The findings demonstrate that most precious possession for Korean older people is photo of themselves; especially one taken in their younger age. The reason of it is because the photo reminds them of their heydays when they were vital. Photo of the most beloved one is displayed more frequently in the bedroom than in the living room indicating consistence with English case. As symmetrical display pattern was dominant in case of English older people's households, no dominant display pattern is found in Korean case. Korean older people also cling to their homes and possessions and want to keep their dwelling space as large as what they use now. It is notable that even after they become older and frail, they want sufficient space to display possessions as a mean of self-identity expression. Attachment to possessions and decoration can give older people significant meaning of identity, and it is the reason why architects or interior designers have to meet older people's needs. It needs consideration that residents are allowed to bring their old furniture and precious possessions when they move in elderly housing unit in order to minimize environmental shock, as well as feeling at home. This subject could suggest a clue to designers or architects who have to meet residents' needs in space design of elderly housing or facilities in the future. Psychological well-being of older people can be met by making them feel at home wherever they live. They need space where they can express their own identity and personality even in case when they have to live in a limited small space like elderly housing unit or nursing home.