• 농업과학연구
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• 제49권1호
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• pp.77-91
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• 2022

North-South Korea economic integration is progressing slowly given the sensitive responses to changes in internal and external conditions. Nevertheless, advanced discussions focusing on North-South Korean economic cooperation should continue. Given this background, various studies of the economic effects of economic integration between North and South Korea have been conducted, but research on agricultural issues has been limited. The purpose of this study is to analyze the impact of the economic integration of South and North Korea on the agricultural market. In this study, a simultaneous equation model was constructed using a growth model. Solow's growth accounting approach is used to construct a model for estimating the macroeconomic effect of North-South economic integration. Also, the construction of growth accounting formulas subdivided into South and North Korea as well as agriculture and non-agricultural fields during the construction of the growth model is a major research achievement and differentiates it from previous studies. It is expected that the results of this study will serve as basic information for preparing policy measures to promote integration. However, there are many limitations when estimating the economic effects of North-South agricultural integration and obtaining policy implications given the insufficient available statistical data on agriculture in North Korea and the lack of related studies in the agricultural field. Therefore, it should be noted that there is an inherent problem in that the analysis results vary greatly depending on the assumptions set, as there is inevitably no choice but to rely on many and strong assumptions.

• 융합보안논문지
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• 제14권6_1호
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• pp.57-63
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• 2014

한반도는 탈냉전이라는 역사적 변화에도 불구하고 냉전적 구조가 해제되지 않고 북한의 대남도발은 계속되고 있다. 북한의 천안함 폭침과 연평도 포격도발은 파국적인 남북관계 초래와 동북아 불안정의 요인으로 작용하고 있다. 북한의 도발은 미국과 한국 및 북한 내부 요인이 북한의 의사결정체계에서 복합적으로 작용하여 군사 비군사적 수단에 의해 자행되고 있다. 북한은 한반도의 적화통일이라는 전략기조을 유지하기 때문에 공세적으로 지속될 수밖에 없을 것이다. 북한의 대외정책은 지속성과 상황에 따라 변화하는 양면성을 지니고 있다. 북한 대외정책의 목표와 이념은 비교적 일관성 있게 지속하고 있지만, 정책전개의 전략 전술과 행동 유형에서는 상당한 변화가 있다. 즉, 지속성은 곧 국가 체제유지와 국가 생존 명분의 문제이며, 변화는 지속성과 명분을 유지시키고 발전하기 위한 전술적 종속개념에 해당한다. 합리적인 시각으로 본다면 북한의 대외정책 기조는 군사력과 핵무기 개발을 생존수단으로 삼아 긴장을 조성하여 외교적, 경제적 보상을 얻는 외교방식을 과감하게 탈피하여야 하며 국제사회에 참여하여 하나의 국가로서 국제관례를 지키는 자세를 견지해야 하나 여러 가지 여건상 기존 대외정책 방향을 고수하고 있다.

• Spatial Information Research
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• 제15권3호
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• pp.323-333
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• 2007

최근 들어 남북한은 경협을 중심으로 교류가 활발히 추진되고 있다. 도로철도 연결, 공단개발 등과 같은 남북한 협력사업이 실효를 거두기 위해서는 북한지역의 지형지물과 같은 물리적인 지리정보와 토지이용현황 등에 관한 기초자료를 구축해야 한다. 따라서 이러한 요구를 만족시키기 위해 북한지역의 국토이용 현황을 파악할 수 있는 자료의 구축방법에 대한 연구가 필요하다. 본 논문은 이러한 요구를 만족시키고자 북한지역의 국토이용 현황을 파악할 수 있는 데이터베이스를 실험적으로 구축하고, 이를 통하여 절차와 과정을 구체화하였다. 북한지역의 국토이용 현황을 파악하는데 도움이 되는 지형도, 위성영상, 주제도 등 모든 종류의 가용자료를 수집 활용하였다. 이렇게 수집된 데이터는 스캐닝, 위성영상처리, 토지피복분류 등 적합한 처리과정을 통해 데이터베이스로 구축하였다. 또한 기존 자료를 DB화 하는데 그치지 않고 구축한 데이터베이스를 이용하여 벡터형태의 지리정보를 추출하여 데이터베이스에 추가하여 정성적, 정량적인 북한지역 국토이용현황조사가 가능하도록 하였다.

• 한국중재학회지:중재연구
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• 제14권2호
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• pp.47-72
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• 2004

The Drafting of Arbitration Rule of the Commercial Arbitration Committee of the South-North Korea is to be the basis of and important to the South-North Commercial Arbitration Committee. Therefore we should study and review carefully the drafting of Commercial Arbitration Rule of the Commercial Arbitration Committee of the South-North Korea. First of all, it's probable that the drafting of Commercial Arbitration Rule of the Commercial Arbitration Committee in South Korea should be written by the Commercial Arbitration Committee of South Korea and Korean arbitral body after these organizations are established and appointed. Second, it's probable that the Commercial Arbitration Committee of South Korea and the arbitral body in South Korea should be composed of private sector, not government officer mainly. Third, it's not recommendable that we make the ICSID intervene in appointment of arbitrator(s) of the Commercial Arbitration Committee of the South-North Korea when it's not agreed with between the South Korea and the North Korea. Forth, it's not recommendable that we, the South Korea write the only one South Korean draft of the Arbitration Rule of the Commercial Arbitration Committee of the South-North Korea.

• 한국중재학회지:중재연구
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• 제17권2호
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• pp.101-124
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• 2007

The legal systems and open-door policies to foreign affairs in North Korea have been followed by those of China. Whereas an arbitration system of South Korea accepted most parts of UNCITRAL Model Law, North Korea has succeeded to an arbitration system of a socialist country. China, under the arbitration system of socialist country, enacted an arbitration act reflected from UNCITRAL Model Law for keeping face with international trends. We have used these three arbitration system as a tool for analyzing an arbitration system in North Korea. With an open-door policy, North Korea and China enacted an arbitration act to provide a legal security. Therefore, the core parts of arbitration system in North Korea and China are based on a socialist system while those of South Korea is on liberalism. So, North Korea and China enacted an arbitration act on the basis of institutional arbitration, on the other side, South Korea is based on ad-hoc arbitration. Because of these characters, in terms of party autonomy, it is recognized with the order as South Korea, China and North Korea. Also North Korea enacted separate 'Foreign Economic Arbitration Act' to resolve disputes arising out of foreign economies including commercial things and investments. There are differences in arbitration procedures and appointment of arbitrators : South Korea recognizes parties' autonomy, however parties should follow the arbitration rules of arbitration institutes in North Korea and China. According to an appointment of arbitrators, if parties fail to appoint co-arbitrators or chief arbitrators by a mutual agreement, the court has the right to appoint them. In case of following KCAB's rules, KCAB secretariats take a scoring system by providing a list of candidates. A party has to appoint arbitrators out of the lists provided by arbitration board(or committee) in North Korea. If a party may fail to appoint a chief arbitrator, President of International Trade Arbitration Board(or Committee) may appoint it. In China, if parties fail to appoint a co-arbitrator or a chief arbitrator by a mutual agreement, Secretary general will decide it. If a arbitral tribunal fails to give a final award by a majority decision, a chief arbitrator has the right for a final decision making. These arbitration systems in North Korea and China are one of concerns that our companies take into account in conducting arbitration procedures inside China. It is only possible for a party to enforce a final arbitral award when he applies an arbitration inside North Korea according to International Trade Arbitration Act because North Korea has not joined the New York Convention. It's doubtful that a party might be treated very fairly in arbitration procedures in North Korea because International Trade Promotion Commission controls(or exercises its rights against) International Trade Arbitration Commission(or Board).

• 국제지역연구
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• 제13권4호
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• pp.3-22
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• 2010

본 연구의 목적은 제2차 북한의 핵 위기 특히 2006년 10월 북한의 핵실험 이후 중국의 대북 정책이 왜 압박과 유인 정책간의 혼선을 보이고 있는지를 분석하는데 있다. 본 연구는 혼선을 보이고 있는 중국의 대북 정책의 근본적인 원인이 북한에 대해 중국이 갖고 있는 두 가지 목표 즉 한반도와 동북아시아의 안정 그리고 한반도의 비핵화간에 존재하는 딜레마로 인한 것이라고 주장한다. 북한이 핵개발 의도를 가시화하고 중국 역시 자국 안보의 위협으로 중재자의 역할을 자처하게 되면서 북한에 대한 중국의 목표는 상호 모순적인 상황에 처하게 되었다. 중국이 북한에 대해 갖고 있는 두 가지 목표는 1978년 개혁개방 이후부터 중국의 기본노선인 '경제발전'을 이룩하기 위해 추구해온 주변 지역 안정과 직결되기 때문에 중국의 대북 목표 전환은 그리 쉽지 않다. 따라서 북한이 비핵화에 대한 노력을 기울이지 않고 중국이 북한에 대해 한반도 평화와 비핵화라는 두 가지 목표를 지속한다면, 북한에 대한 중국 정책의 혼선은 앞으로도 지속될 것으로 전망할 수 있다.

• 안보군사학연구
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• 통권8호
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• pp.169-238
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• 2010

The year 2010 is the 60th anniversary commemorating the Korean War. China intervened in the Korean War with the logics such as "To Resist the U.S.'s Aggression and Aid North Korea," "Save Endangered Home & defend Nation," and "If the Lips Are Gone, the Teeth Will Be Exposed to the Cold or If One of Them Falls, the Other is in Danger." However, China had a deep and long connection with North Korea through 1st Chinese Civil War, war against Japan imperialism, and 2nd Chinese Civil War. China has consulted with Kim Il-sung on his invasion of South Korea at the initial stage of development and played a casting vote role in the execution of the invasion plan. During the Korean War, the PLA supported the North Korea's regime by its action, and made the Korea Peninsula divide into two semi-permanently. Even after the war, China continues to maintain relations with North Korea by helping North Korea build the Kim Il-sung's Kingdom. Currently, whenever any issue related to North Korea rises in the international society, China definitely gets involved in those issues and exercises its power. Conditionally 'either armed aggression or, and wartime' in North Korea, China would follow the "Clause of Military Auto Intervention." In addition, China is very likely to establish refugee camps for North Koreans in the Northeastern-Three-Province and to provide rear bases or guerrilla camps for pro-Chinese sects. Furthermore, voluntarily playing a role as spokesman of North Korean Regime in the international society, China will exercise enormous influence on the reunification of the Korean Peninsula.

• 국제지역연구
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• 제21권4호
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• pp.141-158
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• 2017

본 연구의 목적은 첫째, 북한의 물가 상승률을 상대적 구매력평가를 이용하여 처음으로 추정을 시도하였다. 기존 연구의 경우 북한 쌀 가격을 대리변수로 이용하여 북한 물가 변화를 설명하는 것이 대부분이다. 본 연구에서는 과거 사회주의 국가의 물가를 추정하기 위해 사용된 방식인 구매력평가이론을 북한에 적용하여 북한 물가를 추정하였다. 둘째, 화폐개혁이라는 제도 변화 이후 북한의 물가에 미친 영향을 분석하는 것이다. 화폐개혁이라는 제도 변화 이후 북한 물가의 움직임을 살펴보고 여타 사회주의 국가의 화폐개혁 이후와 비교해 보았다. 경제적으로 화폐개혁이 북한에 어떠한 영향을 끼쳤는지 물가를 중심으로 알아본다. 분석결과 화폐개혁 이후인 2009년 이후 북한은 초인플레이션을 경험하였다. 모형에서 나타난 북한 물가상승률은 2010년 3,010.0%, 2011년 195.0%, 2012년 68.0%, 2013년 48.3% 였다. 북한의 화폐개혁 이후 물가 상승률은 이전에 화폐개혁을 경험한 중국, 베트남 등 사회주의 국가보다 매우 높은 수준이다. 북한의 화폐개혁은 경제적 측면만 고려 시 초인플레이션이라는 부작용을 가져오며 실패한 것으로 평가된다.

• Clinical and Experimental Pediatrics
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• 제64권11호
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• pp.552-558
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• 2021

The food shortage in North Korea is a serious situation that has spanned the mid-1990s to today. North Korean refugee children, even those born in North Korea, China, or South Korea, had poor nutritional status at birth; thus, their growth and nutritional status should be continuously monitored. This review focused on the health status of North Korean children and the nutritional status of North Korean refugee children upon settling in South Korea. Immediately after entering South Korea, North Korean refugee children were shorter and lighter than South Korean children and had a serious nutritional status. Over time, their nutrition status improved, but they remained shorter and lighter than South Korean children. A new obesity problem was also observed. Therefore, it is necessary to continuously monitor their growth and nutritional status.

• Asian Journal of Innovation and Policy
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• 제12권2호
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• pp.177-199
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• 2023

In traditional studies on North Korea, conservative media in South Korea generally report and have an attitude toward anti-North Korea. It is a similar context as South Korea's conservatives view the U.S. and Japan more closely and positively than North Korea. This study is about how the reporting frames and information sources on North Korean science and technology in South Korea's conservative and progressive media differ and show trends. As a result of analyzing the reporting frame on North Korean science and technology by conservative and progressive media, progressive media showed similar trends or slightly positive responses to North Korean science and technology. But the reanalyzed result after dividing it into conservative and progressive governments, the opposite result came out. In the conservative government, the progressive media dealt with very positive aspects of North Korea's science and technology, and in the progressive government, there was a clear tendency to report negative rather than positive. What can be inferred from this is that the progressive media of South Korea had at least quite different directions of the progressive government in dealing with North Korean science and technology, but rather close to anti-North Korea. It is difficult to reach a hasty conclusion because this study has not dealt with all the press and only 10 years after the Kim Jong-Un regime. Nevertheless, this study may provide implications in that it is the first study to analyze how South Korean conservative and progressive media frame North Korean science and technology.