• Korean Journal of Agricultural Science
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• v.49 no.1
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• pp.77-91
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• 2022

North-South Korea economic integration is progressing slowly given the sensitive responses to changes in internal and external conditions. Nevertheless, advanced discussions focusing on North-South Korean economic cooperation should continue. Given this background, various studies of the economic effects of economic integration between North and South Korea have been conducted, but research on agricultural issues has been limited. The purpose of this study is to analyze the impact of the economic integration of South and North Korea on the agricultural market. In this study, a simultaneous equation model was constructed using a growth model. Solow's growth accounting approach is used to construct a model for estimating the macroeconomic effect of North-South economic integration. Also, the construction of growth accounting formulas subdivided into South and North Korea as well as agriculture and non-agricultural fields during the construction of the growth model is a major research achievement and differentiates it from previous studies. It is expected that the results of this study will serve as basic information for preparing policy measures to promote integration. However, there are many limitations when estimating the economic effects of North-South agricultural integration and obtaining policy implications given the insufficient available statistical data on agriculture in North Korea and the lack of related studies in the agricultural field. Therefore, it should be noted that there is an inherent problem in that the analysis results vary greatly depending on the assumptions set, as there is inevitably no choice but to rely on many and strong assumptions.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.14 no.6_1
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• pp.57-63
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• 2014

Even though the historical changes of the Cold War, they does not release the Cold War structure in Korean peninsula. And continues North Korea's provocations against South Korea. A factor of instability in Northeast Asia is the causing catastrophic inter-Korean relations and North Korea's Yeonpyeong shelling and provocation of the Cheonan battleship sinking by an explosion. These behaviors have been committed by among the North Korea military. North Korea's provocations made by a complex decision-making system in the United States and North Korea and South Korea. North Korea's aggressive military actions are conducted under the North Korean political system of strategies unification of the Korean peninsula. It has a duality of continuity and change, depending on the situation of a foreign policy in North Korea. If North Korea want maintain structure of their country, they should change the national policy and strategy, tactics and the military action type. North Korea should be a member of international community. As one of the country in the world, North Korea create economic power, nuclear tensions break, and participate in the international community for the peace.

• Spatial Information Research
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• v.15 no.3
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• pp.323-333
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• 2007

Recently, the South and North Korea have collaborated in the economic cooperation. Success for the cooperation of the South and North Korea has supported the basic and fundamental GIS data building for geographic information (GI) and the land-use of the North Korea. This North Korea GIS project is also vital to facilitate rebuilding and reconnecting socio-economic infrastructures such as reconnecting road and railway networks between the South and North Korea. Thus, this paper emphasizes on the fundamental issues of GIS data building in North Korea area and suggests GI and data establishment methods of the North Korea regions which has not been achieved in GIS research activities in Korea. As the basic GI and data in the North Korea, topographical maps, satellite imageries, and thematic maps were collected and used for surveying of territorial areas of the North Korea. The database of those dataset were built by scanning, image processing, and classifying land-use types. In addition, this paper exacted vector data from the database and included the vector data into the database as other basic GI dataset that enable to analyze quantitative and qualitative territorial land use and development in the North Korea.

• Journal of Arbitration Studies
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.47-72
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• 2004

The Drafting of Arbitration Rule of the Commercial Arbitration Committee of the South-North Korea is to be the basis of and important to the South-North Commercial Arbitration Committee. Therefore we should study and review carefully the drafting of Commercial Arbitration Rule of the Commercial Arbitration Committee of the South-North Korea. First of all, it's probable that the drafting of Commercial Arbitration Rule of the Commercial Arbitration Committee in South Korea should be written by the Commercial Arbitration Committee of South Korea and Korean arbitral body after these organizations are established and appointed. Second, it's probable that the Commercial Arbitration Committee of South Korea and the arbitral body in South Korea should be composed of private sector, not government officer mainly. Third, it's not recommendable that we make the ICSID intervene in appointment of arbitrator(s) of the Commercial Arbitration Committee of the South-North Korea when it's not agreed with between the South Korea and the North Korea. Forth, it's not recommendable that we, the South Korea write the only one South Korean draft of the Arbitration Rule of the Commercial Arbitration Committee of the South-North Korea.

• Journal of Arbitration Studies
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• v.17 no.2
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• pp.101-124
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• 2007

The legal systems and open-door policies to foreign affairs in North Korea have been followed by those of China. Whereas an arbitration system of South Korea accepted most parts of UNCITRAL Model Law, North Korea has succeeded to an arbitration system of a socialist country. China, under the arbitration system of socialist country, enacted an arbitration act reflected from UNCITRAL Model Law for keeping face with international trends. We have used these three arbitration system as a tool for analyzing an arbitration system in North Korea. With an open-door policy, North Korea and China enacted an arbitration act to provide a legal security. Therefore, the core parts of arbitration system in North Korea and China are based on a socialist system while those of South Korea is on liberalism. So, North Korea and China enacted an arbitration act on the basis of institutional arbitration, on the other side, South Korea is based on ad-hoc arbitration. Because of these characters, in terms of party autonomy, it is recognized with the order as South Korea, China and North Korea. Also North Korea enacted separate 'Foreign Economic Arbitration Act' to resolve disputes arising out of foreign economies including commercial things and investments. There are differences in arbitration procedures and appointment of arbitrators : South Korea recognizes parties' autonomy, however parties should follow the arbitration rules of arbitration institutes in North Korea and China. According to an appointment of arbitrators, if parties fail to appoint co-arbitrators or chief arbitrators by a mutual agreement, the court has the right to appoint them. In case of following KCAB's rules, KCAB secretariats take a scoring system by providing a list of candidates. A party has to appoint arbitrators out of the lists provided by arbitration board(or committee) in North Korea. If a party may fail to appoint a chief arbitrator, President of International Trade Arbitration Board(or Committee) may appoint it. In China, if parties fail to appoint a co-arbitrator or a chief arbitrator by a mutual agreement, Secretary general will decide it. If a arbitral tribunal fails to give a final award by a majority decision, a chief arbitrator has the right for a final decision making. These arbitration systems in North Korea and China are one of concerns that our companies take into account in conducting arbitration procedures inside China. It is only possible for a party to enforce a final arbitral award when he applies an arbitration inside North Korea according to International Trade Arbitration Act because North Korea has not joined the New York Convention. It's doubtful that a party might be treated very fairly in arbitration procedures in North Korea because International Trade Promotion Commission controls(or exercises its rights against) International Trade Arbitration Commission(or Board).

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.13 no.4
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• pp.3-22
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• 2010

The objective of this paper is to analyze why China's policy toward North Korea after the second North Korean nuclear crisis have plunged into the dilemma between pressure and inducement. This paper stress that dilemma between China's two aims toward North, that is, stability in Korean peninsula and North East Asia, and the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula that can explain China's inconsistent policies on North Korea. As North Korea publicly revealed the intention of nuclear development and China has played the mediator role for protecting its security, China's two aims toward North have faced the situation of a dilemma. Because China's two aims are directly related with stability in the neighbor that pursuit to perform 'economic development' since 1978, China's two aims toward North would not be changed easily. Therefore, as long as North Korea would not make an effort on denuclearization and China continually would maintain two aims on North, it will be continued a dilemma between China's policies toward North.

• Journal of National Security and Military Science
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• s.8
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• pp.169-238
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• 2010

The year 2010 is the 60th anniversary commemorating the Korean War. China intervened in the Korean War with the logics such as "To Resist the U.S.'s Aggression and Aid North Korea," "Save Endangered Home & defend Nation," and "If the Lips Are Gone, the Teeth Will Be Exposed to the Cold or If One of Them Falls, the Other is in Danger." However, China had a deep and long connection with North Korea through 1st Chinese Civil War, war against Japan imperialism, and 2nd Chinese Civil War. China has consulted with Kim Il-sung on his invasion of South Korea at the initial stage of development and played a casting vote role in the execution of the invasion plan. During the Korean War, the PLA supported the North Korea's regime by its action, and made the Korea Peninsula divide into two semi-permanently. Even after the war, China continues to maintain relations with North Korea by helping North Korea build the Kim Il-sung's Kingdom. Currently, whenever any issue related to North Korea rises in the international society, China definitely gets involved in those issues and exercises its power. Conditionally 'either armed aggression or, and wartime' in North Korea, China would follow the "Clause of Military Auto Intervention." In addition, China is very likely to establish refugee camps for North Koreans in the Northeastern-Three-Province and to provide rear bases or guerrilla camps for pro-Chinese sects. Furthermore, voluntarily playing a role as spokesman of North Korean Regime in the international society, China will exercise enormous influence on the reunification of the Korean Peninsula.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.21 no.4
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• pp.141-158
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• 2017

The purpose of this study is to firstly estimate the inflation rate of North Korea using relative purchasing power parity. Most of the existing studies use North Korean rice prices as proxy to explain changes in North Korean prices. In this study, North Korea's price was estimated by applying purchasing power parity, which was used to estimate the price of socialist countries in the past, to North Korea. Second, it analyzes the impact of North Korea's price inflation after the institutional change of currency reform. We looked at the movements of North Korean prices after the institutional change of currency reform and compared it with the post-monetary reform of other socialist countries. We examine the impact of currency reform on North Korea, focusing on the price. As a result, after the currency reform in 2009, North Korea experienced hyperinflation. The North Korean inflation rate in the model was 3,010.0% in 2010, 195.0% in 2011, 68.0% in 2012 and 48.3% in 2013. After the currency reform of North Korea, the inflation rate is much higher than the socialist countries such as China and Vietnam who had experienced currency reform before. North Korea's monetary reforms are considered to have failed because of the side effects of hyperinflation.

• Clinical and Experimental Pediatrics
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• v.64 no.11
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• pp.552-558
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• 2021

The food shortage in North Korea is a serious situation that has spanned the mid-1990s to today. North Korean refugee children, even those born in North Korea, China, or South Korea, had poor nutritional status at birth; thus, their growth and nutritional status should be continuously monitored. This review focused on the health status of North Korean children and the nutritional status of North Korean refugee children upon settling in South Korea. Immediately after entering South Korea, North Korean refugee children were shorter and lighter than South Korean children and had a serious nutritional status. Over time, their nutrition status improved, but they remained shorter and lighter than South Korean children. A new obesity problem was also observed. Therefore, it is necessary to continuously monitor their growth and nutritional status.

• Asian Journal of Innovation and Policy
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• v.12 no.2
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• pp.177-199
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• 2023

In traditional studies on North Korea, conservative media in South Korea generally report and have an attitude toward anti-North Korea. It is a similar context as South Korea's conservatives view the U.S. and Japan more closely and positively than North Korea. This study is about how the reporting frames and information sources on North Korean science and technology in South Korea's conservative and progressive media differ and show trends. As a result of analyzing the reporting frame on North Korean science and technology by conservative and progressive media, progressive media showed similar trends or slightly positive responses to North Korean science and technology. But the reanalyzed result after dividing it into conservative and progressive governments, the opposite result came out. In the conservative government, the progressive media dealt with very positive aspects of North Korea's science and technology, and in the progressive government, there was a clear tendency to report negative rather than positive. What can be inferred from this is that the progressive media of South Korea had at least quite different directions of the progressive government in dealing with North Korean science and technology, but rather close to anti-North Korea. It is difficult to reach a hasty conclusion because this study has not dealt with all the press and only 10 years after the Kim Jong-Un regime. Nevertheless, this study may provide implications in that it is the first study to analyze how South Korean conservative and progressive media frame North Korean science and technology.