• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.27
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• pp.31-57
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• 2012

The 19th century could not relatively receive attention from local researchers because it was treated as the past cut off from the present as the formative period of modern states of Latin America. According to the characteristics of area studies which focus on changes of politics and society, studies on past affairs could not have been the main focus of attention. But as new liberalism has appeared in Latin America, is throwing the spotlight on liberalism. In addition, the studies on the 19th century have been activated and gradually expanded. And interpretation about the 19th century's history has been variously arranged. Especially, discussion on liberalism and conservatism was established as the key words which can understand and reconsider Latin America in the 19th century. Colombian liberalism which could not overcome heritage of the colonial period in the 19th century and did appear advocating reformation was another form of authoritarianism. Reformation promoted by liberalism was utilized to keep privilege of the ruling class, not to remove the social and economic structure derived from the colonial period. New reformist forces which advocated mercantilism after the middle of the 19th century but they were formed based on the existing system. Colombian Liberal Party was developed as "Another name of conservatization" by reflecting understanding of the conservatives. Colombian liberalists preferred federalism to cut off from repressive characteristics of Spanish colonial rule and secure autonomy of local control through reformation based on economic understanding. Therefore, discussion on the form of government which focused on federalism and centralism acted as the causes of conflict between Colombian liberalism and conservatism. Based on this point, this study tries to analyze liberalism reforms which is the main issue in the Colombian history in the 19th century and consider history of Colombian political conflicts focusing on federalism. The origin of Violencia which is the political violence and Colombian history in the 19th century which has been a series of rebellion can be considered through this procedure.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.25 no.4
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• pp.39-67
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• 2018

The Korean welfare state has achieved remarkable development during the last two decades, but simultaneously we have witnessed growing prevalent social conflicts and exclusion in the society. This research argues that the source of current problems lies in the nature of the Korean welfare regime, so called, 'paternalistic liberalism'. The paternalistic liberalism has been formulated by the combination of legacies of the developmental state and neo-liberalism. Paternalism with the growth-oriented and employment-centered approach has been a significant factor to restrict individuals' freedom and happiness in the Korean welfare state. It has also been embedded in the Korean welfare state such as social insurance, workfare programs, and centralized social services. In this context, this research proposes social liberalism, pursuing real freedom for all, as a new paradigm for the Korean welfare state. Breaking from the old path, Freecurity, combining freedom and security, which is argued to be the upgraded version of flexicurity, is also newly proposed as the operating model of social liberalism.

• Journal of Christian Education in Korea
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• v.67
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• pp.267-299
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• 2021

This study is purposed to discuss attributes and limitations of neo-liberalism and to offer some roles of Christian education corresponding neoliberalism. Neo-liberalism is an econosuperism that entrusts all things to market order, and it regards this market as utopia. It does not remain as just an economical principle, but influences all aspects in human life. Then it shows its religiosity connecting to capitalism. Every human in it is thought of as flexible workforces appropriate to neo-liberalism market. Such being the case neo-liberalsim strenghtens instrumentation in education. Then it distorts freedom and equality, and it weakens traditional values. Because of this, modern people's identity is getting to be lost and their human characters to be floated. This study discusses these things critically, and offers roles of Christian education such as founding a well balanced understanding on the Scripture against this neo-liberalsim market, restoring the essential purpose of education from instrumentation in education, and investigating and applicating a holistic human character on the basis of a Christian anthropology against this new human character of neo-liberalsim.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.17 no.1
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• pp.7-28
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• 2008

Colin Rowe was an important historian, theorist and critic in Modern architecture. His significance in Modern architectural history lies in not only historiography which has changed our view of Modernism but deep theoretical involvement in practice. This study is a critical review and analysis on his formalist approach in Architecture. With a view that his position of formalist has indispensible relationship with liberalism from K. Popper's critical rationalism, this study try to show how his philosophical background has an influence upon his way of seeing architecture, history, form, urbanism, and meaning, etc. And this study also try to explain why the principle of architecture as an autonomous discipline which is the main point of view in Rowe's criticism has been so successful and influential. This study also explain what is the possibility and limitation of Rowe's formalist approach and way of reading buildings. His intelligent way of formal analysis can give us new understandings of how the form generates and the process of design goes on. Furthermore it guide us a new horizon of architecture as a language game. Since his early writings showed both side of formalist approach in architecture and it didn't changed a lot. We can understand his 'Collage City' was a his final answer to his formalist way of making architecture and urbanism. we can estemate it as a utopia without utopianism and an ideology without ideological color.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.27
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• pp.255-292
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• 2009

This thesis is to study on the prospect of contemporary and theory of contemporary Chinese Neo-liberalism philosopher in the 1990s. The previous Chinese liberalists focused only on political and cultural liberalism, neglecting economic liberalism. As a result, liberalism has not taken root in China. Therefore, the social problems of contemporary China are caused by immature and unregulated market economy controlled by the government, not by the market economy. On the other hand, the social relationship in China is not capitalistic yet. The Chinese need to take the gradual developing step to modernize China. China needs to begin an effort to reform China by the way and speed of the refolution, which lies between reform and revolution; not by making new value system, but by keeping daily ethics and rediscovering the Chinese value system, which is the same as universal ethnics. Moreover, it can solve the mental, cultural problems of modern society. Modernization will be achieved not by ruining the Chinese traditions, but by adjusting the traditions, keeping, and strengthening. Consequently, China will be able to move from agricultural absolutism to modern democracy. The democracy can exist only based on the market economy. Therefore, the goal will be accomplished by democracy based on the market economy starting from Confucian tradition.

• Acta Via Serica
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.1-22
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• 2020

The paper discusses how the new EU Strategy towards Central Asia issued in May 2019 might be analyzed through the lens of the intensely debated transformations from the liberal to a post-liberal international order. The author claims that the EU's normative power is transforming from the post-Cold War predominantly liberal/ value-based approach, with democracy and human rights at its core, to a set of more technical tools and principles of good governance and effective management of public administration. The paper problematizes a nexus between the dynamics of the EU's nascent post-liberalism and the geopolitical challenges of the EU's growing engagement with illiberal regimes, focuses on direct encounters between the post-liberal EU and the illiberal elites in Central Asia, and seeks to find out the impact of these connections upon the EU's international subjectivity. In this context geopolitical dimensions of EU foreign and security policies, along with the specificity of the EU's geopolitical actorship in Central Asia, are discussed.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.11 no.11
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• pp.733-745
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• 2013

This article aims to look into the education policy of the civilian government, the practical government, the participatory government and the government of the people after the military government, and then to investigate characteristics and problems to neo-liberalism, which was an common education innovation policy of past government. This study tries to suggest a far-sighted national policy of education the present government should orient. Futhermore, the article presents 'humanistic philosophy of education' as a new paradigm of a future education. This means balanced humanistic education policy, not disintegrated education in which excellence and equality take different paths.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.57
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• pp.250-266
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• 2012

In neo-liberalism, the change-value of the market and of the machandise based on the individual as the consumer dominate the public sphere, and the capital power encroach on it. with the technological revolution. At the same time the public sphere as such represent the media sphere, which is more and more subordinate, and have no choice but to do to the governmental authority having political power privatized. The private usage of reason in the public sphere is carried out at the structual level. How can we call such a space in which the private usage of reason is generalized and dominant as the public sphere? And so now, we sound out the possibility of the public sphere such as a new space of the universality where the public usage of reason can be realized without any limits and with free. So, when we imagine the proletarian public sphere, in which co-exist the divers private interests, as a new public sphere capable to be constructed, we can address a question as follow. What is the caracteristic of the proletarian public sphere in modern society?, Is the public community able to be formed and realized in such space? How would have the proletarian public sphere the carateristics of the publis sphere? What is the attribute of the community that the proletarian public sphere would make, and what is its force of emancipation? The power is no longer stable and static. Rather, it is reconstructed and reorganized in the divers phases of the everyday life. It is the reason why we put on the order of the day the proletarian public sphere as alternative public space, which would be a place of divers hegemonic representation. And now, we are aware of the beginning of thses changes.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.117
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• pp.161-189
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• 2011

This thesis aims to examine the discussions on communitarianism and liberalism, which was actively debated post-1990's in the West. The paper will focus on the concepts of morality and ethics of Hegel's "Philosophy of Law" in order to connect the discussions on communitarianism and liberalism to our society's political reality. Specifically, through the introduction of Hegel's point of view, this paper will shed new light co the concept of communitarianism, which was viewed from the perspective of political philosophy within the West post-1990's. Through "Philosophy of Law," Hegel imbues a critical and fundamental meaning to modern ethical-political order. For Hegel, Kant's acceptance of morality has a foundational and compositional meaning for the concepts of law and nation. This paper will discuss this topic within the boundaries of Hegel's morality and ethics and regard this as a chance to look back on our political situation with a regretful introspection. International and national reviewers tend to regard the various perspectives of Hegel's philosophy of law as inspirational. However, it seems that the fundamental introspection of why our reality must adhere to his philosophy is lacking. Based on this concern, the paper aims to examine Hegel's "Philosophy of Law" to apply his perspectives to our political reality for a fundamental self-evaluation.

• Korean System Dynamics Review
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• v.15 no.4
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• pp.101-127
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• 2014

This study aims to understand how and why each stage of capitalism grows and changes into the new direction in the moment of crisis, based on the systems thinking approach through the causal loop feedback structure. To achieve the research purpose, it classifies the evolution process of the capitalistic economic system into 4 types: Capitalism 1.0(Classical Laissez-Faire Capitalism), 2.0(Revised Capitalism), 3.0(Neo-liberalism), and 4.0(New Capitalism for the Future). This study focuses particularly on by which feedback structure the growth, crisis, and new transition of capitalism could be explained. The main research results are as follows. The intended positive feedback structure caused the growth at each early stage of capitalism. After that time, as a result of the uncontrolled growth, the negative feedback structure controlling its growth operated on the one hand, while the positive feedback structure amplifying the crisis did on the other hand. The study suggests the Resilient Capitalism as the new evolutional direction of Capitalism 4.0. It can contribute to strengthening its resilience by which all the economic players can recover promptly and flexibly from the crises such as the failure of competition and unemployment.