• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.98
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• pp.22-53
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• 2020

This paper analyzes the contents, characteristics, and historical significance of the dedicatory inscriptions (josanggi) on the Amitabha Buddha and the Maitreya Bodhisattva statues of Gamsansa Temple, two masterpieces of Buddhist sculpture from the Unified Silla period. In the first section, I summarize research results from the past century (divided into four periods), before presenting a new perspective and methodology that questions the pre-existing notion that the Maitreya Bodhisattva has a higher rank than the Amitabha Buddha. In the second section, through my own analysis of the dedicatory inscriptions, arrangement, and overall appearance of the two images, I assert that the Amitabha Buddha sculpture actually held a higher rank and greater significance than the Maitreya Bodhisattva sculpture. In the third section, for the first time, I provide a new interpretation of two previously undeciphered characters from the inscriptions. In addition, by comparing the sentence structures from the respective inscriptions and revising the current understanding of the author (chanja) and calligrapher (seoja), I elucidate the possible meaning of some ambiguous phrases. Finally, in the fourth section, I reexamine the content of both inscriptions, differentiating between the parts relating to the patron (josangju), the dedication (josang), and the prayers of the patrons or donors (balwon). In particular, I argue that the phrase "for my deceased parents" is not merely a general axiom, but a specific reference. To summarize, the dedicatory inscriptions can be interpreted as follows: when Kim Jiseong's parents died, they were cremated and he scattered most of their remains by the East Sea. But years later, he regretted having no physical memorial of them to which to pay his respects. Thus, in his later years, he donated his estate on Gamsan as alms and led the construction of Gamsansa Temple. He then commissioned the production of the two stone sculptures of Amitabha Buddha and Maitreya Bodhisattva for the temple, asking that they be sculpted realistically to reflect the actual appearance of his parents. Finally, he enshrined the remains of his parents in the sculptures through the hole in the back of the head (jeonghyeol). The Maitreya Bodhisattva is a standing image with a nirmanakaya, or "transformation Buddha," on the crown. As various art historians have pointed out, this iconography is virtually unprecedented among Maitreya images in East Asian Buddhist sculpture, leading some to speculate that the standing image is actually the Avalokitesvara. However, anyone who reads the dedicatory inscription can have no doubt that this image is in fact the Maitreya. To ensure that the sculpture properly embodied his mother (who wished to be reborn in Tushita Heaven with Maitreya Bodhisattva), Kim Jiseong combined the iconography of the Maitreya and Avalokitesvara (the reincarnation of compassion). Hence, Kim Jiseong's deep love for his mother motivated him to modify the conventional iconography of the Maitreya and Avalokitesvara. A similar sentiment can be found in the sculpture of Amitabha Buddha. To this day, any visitor to the temple who first looks at the sculptures from the front before reading the text on the back will be deeply touched by the filial love of Kim Jiseong, who truly cherished the memory of his parents.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.45-86
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• 2020

In this article, the "modernization of the tradition" constructed on the cultural politics and the way in which it appropriated in the korean theatre in the 1970s were analyzed. It is trying to reveal its implications. It is also a work to critically review the aspects of self-censorship in the korean theatre in the 70s. To that end, we looked at the theatre company Minye Theatre, which preoccupied the traditional discussions in the 1970s by creating national dramas. Until now, the evaluation of the theatre company Minye Theatre in the 1970s has focused on the achievement on the directing of Heo Gyu, who promoted the succession and transformation of tradition. However, the traditional ideology constructed in the state-led cultural politics in the 70s and the way in which it was operated cannot be evaluated only in terms of artistic achievement. The ideology of tradition is selected according to the selective criteria of the subject to appropriate tradition. What's important is that certain objects are excluded, discarded, re-elected, re-interpreted and re-recognized in the selection process of selected traditional ideology. This is the situation in the '70s, when tradition was constantly re-recognized amid differences between the decadent and the disorder that were then designated as non-cultural, and led to a new way of appropriate. The nation-led traditional discussion of the '70s legalized the tradition with stable values, one of the its way was the national literary and artistic support. Under the banner of modernization of tradition, theatre company Minye preoccupied the discussions on the tradition and presented folk drama as a new theatre. As an alternative to the crisis of korean theatre at the time, the Minye chose the method of inheriting and transforming tradition. It is noteworthy that Heo Gyu, the representative director of the theatre company Minye, recognized the succession and transformation of traditional performance as both a calling and an experiment. For Heo Gyu, tradition was accepted as an irresistible stable value and an unquestionable calling, and as a result, his performance, filled with excessive traditional practices, became overambitious, especially when it failed to reflect the present-here reality, the repeated use of traditional expression tools resulted in skilled craftsmanship, not artistic creation. The traditional ideology of the 70s unfolds in a new aspect of appropriation in the 80s. In 1986, Son Jin-Cheok, Kim Seong-nyeo, and Yoon Mun-sik, who were key members of the theatre company Minye Theatre, left the theatre to create the theatre company Michu, and secured popularity through Madangnori(popular folk yard theatre). Son Jin-Cheok's Madangnori is overbearing through satire and humor. It gained popularity by criticizing and mocking state power. On the other hand, not only the form of traditional performance, but also the university-centered Madanggeuk movement, which appropriated on the spirit of resistance from the people to its traditional values, has rapidly grown. In the field of traditional discussions of the 70s, Madanggeuk was self-born through appropriation in which the spirit of resistance of the people is used as a traditional value. Madanggeuk as well as Michu that achieved the popularization of Madangnori cannot be discussed solely by the artistic achievement of the modernization of tradition. Critics of korean theatre in response to state-led traditional discussions in the 70s was focused only on the qualitative achievement of performing arts based on artistry. I am very sorry for that. As a result, the popular resistance of the Madanggeuk and the Madangnori were established in the 'difference' with the traditions of the theatre company Minye Theatre. Theatre company Minye Theatre was an opportunity for the modernization of tradition, but the fact that it did not continuously produce significant differences. This is the meaning and limitation of the "tradition" of the theatre company Minye Theatre in the history of korean theatre in the 1970s.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.101
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• pp.12-46
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• 2022

Completed in 1467, the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda of Wongaksa Temple is the last Buddhist pagoda erected at the center of the capital (present-day Seoul) of the Joseon Dynasty. It was commissioned by King Sejo, the final Korean king to favor Buddhism. In this paper, I aim to examine King Sejo's intentions behind celebrating the tenth anniversary of his enthronement with the construction of the thirteen-story stone pagoda in the central area of the capital and the enshrinement of sarira from Shakyamuni Buddha and the Newly Translated Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment (圓覺經). This paper provides a summary of this examination and suggests future research directions. The second chapter of the paper discusses the scriptural background for thirteen-story stone pagodas from multiple perspectives. I was the first to specify the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra (大般涅槃經後分) as the most direct and fundamental scripture for the erection of a thirteen-story stone pagoda. I also found that this sutra was translated in Central Java in the latter half of the seventh century and was then circulated in East Asia. Moreover, I focused on the so-called Kanishka-style stupa as the origin of thirteen-story stone pagodas and provided an overview of thirteen-story stone pagodas built around East Asia, including in Korea. In addition, by consulting Buddhist references, I prove that the thirteen stories symbolize the stages of the practice of asceticism towards enlightenment. In this regard, the number thirteen can be viewed as a special and sacred number to Buddhist devotees. The third chapter explores the Buddhist background of King Sejo's establishment of the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda of Wongaksa Temple. I studied both the Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms (翻譯名義集) (which King Sejo personally purchased in China and published for the first time in Korea) and the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment. King Sejo involved himself in the first translation of the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment into Korean. The Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms was published in the fourteenth century as a type of Buddhist glossary. King Sejo is presumed to have been introduced to the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra, the fundamental scripture regarding thirteen-story pagodas, through the Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms, when he was set to erect a pagoda at Wongaksa Temple. King Sejo also enshrined the Newly Translated Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment inside the Wongaksa pagoda as a scripture representing the entire Tripitaka. This enshrined sutra appears to be the vernacular version for which King Sejo participated in the first Korean translation. Furthermore, I assert that the original text of the vernacular version is the Abridged Commentary on the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment (圓覺經略疏) by Zongmi (宗密, 780-841), different from what has been previously believed. The final chapter of the paper elucidates the political semantics of the establishment of the Wongaksa pagoda by comparing and examining stone pagodas erected at neungsa (陵寺) or jinjeonsawon (眞殿寺院), which were types of temples built to protect the tombs of royal family members near their tombs during the early Joseon period. These stone pagodas include the Thirteen-story Pagoda of Gyeongcheonsa Temple, the Stone Pagoda of Gaegyeongsa Temple, the Stone Pagoda of Yeongyeongsa Temple, and the Multi-story Stone Pagoda of Silleuksa Temple. The comparative analysis of these stone pagodas reveals that King Sejo established the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda at Wongaksa Temple as a political emblem to legitimize his succession to the throne. In this paper, I attempt to better understand the scriptural and political semantics of the Wongaksa pagoda as a thirteen-story pagoda. By providing a Korean case study, this attempt will contribute to the understanding of Buddhist pagoda culture that reached its peak during the late Goryeo and early Joseon periods. It also contributes to the research on thirteen-story pagodas in East Asia that originated with Kanishka stupa and were based on the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.4
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• pp.230-246
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• 2023

The wooden fence(木柵), which began to appear in the Bronze Age and is presumed to be the oldest defense facility in human history, was used as a fortress for the purpose of further strengthening military defense functions until after the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592 in the Joseon Dynasty(壬辰倭亂). As it was established as the concept of a fortress or a fence installed outside a fence castle(城柵) or barracks fence(營柵), its importance as an essential facility for defense was further highlighted. This study is the result of exploring wooden fence that were used as official facilities during the Joseon Dynasty, focusing on literature surveys such as 『Annals of the Joseon Dynasty』 and 『New Jeungdonggukyeojiseungram』 In this study, in particular, the conclusion of this study is as follows, focusing on the use and function of Nokgakseong(鹿角城), underwater wooden fence, installation methods, and materials of wooden fences, is as follows. The conclusions of this study, which focused on the materials of the wooden fence, are as follows. First, as invasions by foreign enemies became more frequent in the late Goryeo and early Joseon Dynasty, wooden fences played a major role as a major out-of-castle defense facility((防禦施設). In addition, wooden fences were modified and installed into various types such as wooden fences(木柵城), Nokgakseong, a fence made up of large branches in the shape of a deer antler, and underwater wooden fences(水中木柵) according to the circumstances of the times, government policy, and location environment. Second, wooden fences were installed in strategic locations in defense facilities for military purposes, such as mountain fortress(山城), fortresses(營), camps(鎭), forts(堡), and castles(邑城) in strategic locations, and were used for defense in case of emergency. According to the urgency of farming, it was installed in accordance with the non-farming season, when it is easy to mobilize manpower to avoid the busy farming season. The size of the wooden fence of the Joseon Dynasty, which are confirmed through literature records, was converted into Pobaekchuk(布帛尺), and the circumference was very diverse from 4,428chuk(2,066m) to 55chuk(25m). Third, Nokgakseong is an efficient combat support facility that is more aggressive than a general wooden fence, and the records of Nokgakseong in the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty appeared during the King Sejong period the record was 20 times, the most. By region, it was found that it was mainly installed in coastal rugged areas such as Pyeongan and Hamgildo(12), which are the 6-jin areas of the 4th Army. Fourth, in the early 15th century, as the royal court established a maritime defense strategy for the coastal area of the southern coast, after the Sampo Invasion(三浦倭亂), riots by Japanese settlers in Sampo in 1510, major military posts including eupseong(邑城), camps, and forts were established. The installation of underwater barriers around various government facilities rapidly increased as a defense facility to block the warships of Japanese pirates around various government facilities. Fifth, between the 15th and 17th centuries before and after the Japanese Invasion of Korea in Sampo, underwater fences were installed in the Southern coast and Ganghwa Island. In particular, in the 15th century, underwater fences were intensively installed in coastal areas of Gyeongsangnam-do, such as Jepo. Pine trees and Oaks are the main materials used for underwater fences, but other materials such as Oldham's meliosma, Loose-flower hornbeam and The vines of arrowroots were also used as materials for wooden fences.

• The Journal of the Petrological Society of Korea
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.157-165
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• 2010

The age unknown Ogcheon metasedimentary rocks and the Jurassic Ogcheon granite (Jocgr) intruding it are distributed in the Ogcheon area, which is located in the central part of the Ogcheon Belt, Korea, This paper newly examines the timing of Honam shearing on the basis of the microstructural researches on time-relationship between the crenulation of Ogcheon metasedimentary rocks and the contact metamorphism by the intrusion of Jocgr. The D2 crenulation phase, which is defined by the microfolding of the S1 foliation in the metasedimentary rocks, is divided into two sub-phases. The one is a sub-phase of Early crenulation (D2a) which is included within old andalusite porphyroblasts, and the other is that of Late crenulation (D2b) which warps around the old andalusite. But they show the same dextral shear sense, the axial planes parallel to each other, and a single crenulation at outcrop scale. The contact metamorphism of andalusite-sillimanite type by the Jocgr occurred during the inter-phases of D2a and D2b, and crystallized the old andalusite masking the D2a crenulation and fibrous sillimanites replacing the D2a crenulation-forming muscovites. New andalusite porphyroblasts synkinematically grew in pressure shadows around the old andalusite or in its outermost mantles during the early stage of the D2b. The D2b occurred still continuously after the growth of the andalusite ceased (= later stage of the D2b). It indicates that the D2b occurred continuously during the period when the Ogcheon granite was still hot and cool. From this study, the crenulation history of Ogcheon metasedimentary rocks and the timing of Honam shearing would be newly established and reviewed as follows. (1) Early Honam shearing; formative period of Early crenulation, (2) main magmatic period of Jurassic granitoids; growth of the old andalusite and fibrous sillimanite by the intrusion of Jocgr, (3) main cooling period of Jurassic granitoids; formative period of Late crenulation related to Late Honam shearing, growth of the new andalusite in the early stage of D2b. Thus, this study proposes that the Honam shear movement would occur two times at least before and after the intertectonic phase which corresponds to the main magmatic period of Jurassic granitoids.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.75-101
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• 2012

As the Reublic of Korea revised the Commercial Code including 40 articles of air transport enacted newly on May 23, 2011, so Korea became first legislative examples in the Commercial Code of the developed and developing countries. I would like to explain briefly the main contents of my paper such as (1) history of enacting newly Part VI (air transport) in the Korea's revised commercial law, (2) legal background enacting newly Part VI (air transport) in the Korea's revised commercial law and the problems on the conditions of air transport, (3) every countries' legislative examples on the civil liability of aircraft's operator, (4) unlawful Interference Convention and general risk convention of 2009, (5) main contents and prospects of the revised Commercial Code for the liability of aircraft's operator etc as the followings. Meanwhile as the Aviation Act, Commercial Code and Civil Code in Korea and Japan did not regulated at all the legal basis of solution on the disputes between victims and offender for the amount of compensation for damage due to personal or property damage caused by aircraft accidents in Korea and Japan, so it has been raised many legal problems such as protection of victims, standard of decision in trial in the event of aircraft accident's lawsuit case. But the Korean Revised Commercial Code including Part VI, air transport regulations was passed by the majority resolution of the Korean National Assembly on April 29, 2011 and then the South Korean government proclaimed it on May 23 same year. The Revised Commercial Code enforced into tothe territory of the South Korea from November 24, 2011 after six month of the proclaimed date by the Korean Government. Thus, though Korean Commercial Code regulated concretely and respectively the legal relations on the liability of compensation for damage in the contract of transport by land in it's Part II (commercial activities) and in the contract of transport by sea in its Part V (marine commerce), but the Amended Commercial Act regulated newly 40 articles in it's Part VI (air transport) relating to the air carrier's contract liability on the compensation for damage caused by aircraft accidents in the air passengers and goods transport and aircraft operator's tort liability on compensation for damage caused by the sudden falling or collision of aircraft to third parties on the surface and so it was equipped with reasonable and unified system among the transport by land, marine and air. The ICAO adopted two new air law conventions setting out international compensation and liability rules for damage caused by aircraft to third parties at a diplomatic conference hosted by it from April 20 to May 2, 2009. The fight against the effects of terrorism and the improvement of the status of victims in the event of damage to third parties that may result either from acts of unlawful interference involving aircraft or caused by ordinary operation of aircraft, forms the cornerstone of the two conventions. One legal instrument adopted by the Conference is "the Convention on Compensation for Damage to Third Parties, Resulting from Acts of Unlawful Interference Involving Aircraft" (Unlawful Interference Convention). The other instrument, "the Convention on Compensation for Damage Caused by Aircraft to Third Parties" (General Risk Convention), modernizes the current legal framework provided for under the 1952 Rome Convention and related Protocol of 1978. It is desirable for us to ratify quickly the abovementioned two conventions such as Unlawful Interference Convention and General Risk Convention in order to settle reasonably and justly as well as the protection of the South Korean peoples.

• Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
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• v.45 no.3
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• pp.435-443
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• 2012

This study investigated soil carbon storage and microbial activities influenced by different management practices in rice paddies and pastures. Soils under a single-crop farming of rice (CON) and rice-Italian ryegrass rotation farming (IRG) were compared in Jangheung, Jeollanam-do, Seocheon and Cheonan, Chungcheongnam-do. Soils from pastures were analyzed to investigate the effect of duration period (P1, P2, P3) in Namwon, Jeollabuk-do and Seosan, Chungcheongnam-do. In rice paddy, total and particulate carbon (PC) concentrations in the IRG soils were significantly higher than those in the CON soils both in Jangheung and Seocheon where the IRG has been established for three years, whereas carbon concentrations were not significantly different in Cheonan where IRG planting history is only one year. In rice paddy soils, PC was suggested as an early indicator to monitor changes in soil carbon storage followed by adopting different management practices. In pasture, total and PC concentrations increased with duration period especially in the 0-5 cm soils. Contrary to the rice paddy soils, the magnitude of change in PC concentration is not as great as that in total carbon concentration, implying that there is a need to develop a new early indicator other than PC using different fractionation scheme. The soil carbon storage in pasture also increased with years since establishment and the increasing rate was significantly greater in the early stage (0-5 yrs) than the later one (> 5 yrs). Microbial activities measured from fluorescein diacetate (FDA) hydrolysis analysis were significantly lower in the IRG soils than CON soils, whereas no difference was observed in the pastures of different ages. This shows that FDA activity is not a sensitive indicator to differentiate soil qualities influenced by management practices if it is used by itself.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.6
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• pp.89-130
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• 1993

Huh-joon's medical thoughts shown on his medical book of the Doog-Eui-Bo-Kham can be summerized as follows. 1. The general trend of medical science in Koryo dynasty is that much more interests were concentrated upon the books about curative means rather than upon the books about theoretical knowledge of medical science. With the development of Hyang Yak(鄕樂) (the term referring either various kinds of domestic medical stuffs such as herbs or the curative methods using those stuffs) and the writing of books on Hyang Yak, independent medical science of the nation's own was established in late Koryo dynasty. And the national medical science was continuously further developed until early Choson dynasty. Briskly-expanded mutual exchanges with China in early Choson dynasty provided Choson opportunities to import Chinese medical science and to examine it. Under this circumstances, he wrote the Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham. 2. As we look over the preface and Chip-Rae-Muo(集例文), we can find the characterstic of Doog-Eui-Bo-Kham is that the philosophical theory of Taoism was quoted in explaining the principles of his medical science and that the main idea of Naekyuog is the basis in explaining the way of curing diseases. 3. 83 kinds of medical books were quoted in the Doog-Eui-Bo-Kham. Besides, as many as 200 kinds of books including Tao-tzu's teaching books(道書), history books(史書), almanac(曆書), and Confucius' teaching books(儒家書籍) were quoted in total. Naekyuog and Eue-Hak-Ip-Mun, Dan-Kye-Sim-Bup were the most frequently quoted books among them. 4. Huh-Joon's medical thoughts about health care were like these. 1) The reason why Huh-Joon regarded the idea of health care as of great importance was that he laid much more emphasises on the preventive medicines rather than on the remedial medicines. The direct reason was that he was greatly influenced by profound knowledge of Taoist's study of discipline and who participated in the editing the books from the beginning. 2) Huh-Joon's outlook on human body started from the theory of "Unity of Heaven and Man"(天人合一論), which implied man was a kind of miniature universe. In addition to that, he largely theory of essence(精), vital force(氣), and spirit(神) which were regarded very important as the three most valuable properties in Taoism. However, he took his medical ground on practical and pragmatic idea that he did not discuss fundamental essence(元精), fundamental vital force(元氣), and fundamental spirit(元神) which were given by Heaven from the received only the theory of essence, vital force, and spirit which were acquired after birth and worked mainly on realistic activity of life. 3) Huh-loon accepted Do-In-Bup(導引法) sharply as a method to prevent and cure diseases. 5. Huh-loon's medical thoughts on remedial aspects are as 1) Naekyung was considered so important in Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham that not only each paragraph was begun with the Quotations from Nackyung but also the edited order of the content of the book the same with that of Naekyung. And differently from the former korean medical books he accepted at large and recorded the theories of the four noted physicians of the Geum-Won era(金元四大家) by Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham. 2) For the first time, Huh-Joon introduced the theory of Un-Ki (運氣論) in the Dong-Eui-Bo-Kahm. However, he accepted it as a pathological function of human body but he did not apply physical constitution, physiological function, pathological function, and remedial methods. 3) Huh-loon liked to use Hyang Yak that he recorded korean name of Hyang Yak(鄕名), places of the production(産地), the time of collecting(採取時月), and the way of drying herbs(陰陽乾正法) in the remedial method of a single medicine prescription for diseases at the end of each paragraph. By doing so, he developed, arranged, and revived Hyang Yak. 4) He believed that since the natural features of China were different from those of Korea the reasons of being attacked with its remedial methods couldn't be the same with different from Chinese medical books which primarily focused on paralysis and the injury of the cold has his own structure in his book that he founded independent science of this nation. He consulted enormous documents He discovered and wrote the theory and therefore concrete methods for diseases so that the book hadthe principles of outbreak of diseases(理), methods of cure(法), prescription(方), and a single medicine prescription(藥) and set system of medical science in a good order. By doing so, he and pragmatic development of medical science.

• Journal of Korean Ophthalmic Optics Society
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• v.11 no.3
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• pp.281-291
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• 2006

The aim of this study was performed the clinical test using Netspeg lens for good visual acuity on subjects with abnormal refraction status. The subjects of one hundreds adults (fifty males, fifty females, mean=21 years, range=19 to 24) were recorded. The subjects were researched the history including the systemic health, medication, genetics, allergy, systemic disease and ocular disease. The refraction test was recorded the monocular and binocular using objective method. Visual acuity was performed the binocular status using the Netspeg lens and CR-39. Stereopsis test was performed the titmus fly and TNO at near distance using Netspeg lens and CR-39. The P-VEP test was used the 16 pattern size(Bausch Lomb, production in USA) with three channels. Also Subjects viewed the p-vep stimulus with binocular vision through the corrected visual acuity using the Netspeg lens and CR-39. The contrast sensitivity test was performed the contrast sensitivity chart(pelli-Robertson, USA) at 1m distance using the Netspeg lens and CR-39. The ultrastructure of surface on the Netspeg lens and CR-39 was observed the SEM(JMS-5800, made in Japan). The results of this study was as follows: 1. In corrected visual acuity of abnormal refraction using the Netspeg lens and CR-39, the Netspeg lens wearer were acquired the good visual field and clear visual acuity comparative to CR-39 wearer in the subject vision test. however the comfort of visual acuity was similar results in the Netspeg lens and CR-39. Also the subjects of Netspeg lens wearer was good visual acuity more than CR-39 wearer and in the analysis of P-VEP, the amplitude of wave on Netspeg lens used appears to be better through the CR-39(p>0.5). Besides, on the contrast sensitivity, the Netspeg lens wearer was good results than CR-39. The value on stereopsis with TNO by Netspeg lens wearer was better than CR-39 in results. However, in the stereopsis test with Titmus, the Netspeg lens and CR-39 wearer was similar results. 2. The ultrastructure of Netspeg lens surface was the smooth and fine shape more than CR-39. Also, Netspeg lens have a fine line structure in ultrastructure. In conclusion, the results of this study conformed that the surface ultrastructure of Netspeg lens used is more specific pin hole design structure than CR-39. This study indicated that the vision of Netspeg lens used have a better than CR-39 in the corrected visual acuity for abnormal refraction eye. Therefore, In this paper, we suggested that the ultrastructure and line structure of Netspeg lens was related to good visual function. However the visual function of the aspheric Netspeg and ultra waterproof Netspeg lens was similar results.

• Cartoon and Animation Studies
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• s.33
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• pp.247-270
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• 2013

Kim, Yong-Hwan is a one of the South Korean major cartoonists between 1940s and 1960s. Kim, Yong-Hwan drew a variety of genres from children's cartoon to current-affair cartoon. Furthermore, Kim, Yong-Hwan took the lead in publishing cartoon magazine and newspaper after the Independence, and has been highly appreciated as a pioneer of Korean cartoon. Kim, Yong-Hwan created many works in the fields of illustrations, Oriental painting, history painting, caricature, etc. After going study for painting to Japan, Kim, Yong-Hwan made his debut as an illustrator called Kita Koji in Japan. However, not much is known about his works in Japan, only there is a simple data about his Japan period and some pieces of illustration during Japan years. In this paper, I examined in detail about Kim, Yong-Hwan's work activity in Japan which has been little known in Korea for a long time. I studied on illustrations in magazines and books which he drew in the name of Kita Koji, on the basis of the data of the National Diet Library of Japan. I could know that Kim, Yong-Hwan worked actively in a diversity of publishers and magazines. In addition, I could realize that many magazines in which Kim, Yong-Hwan drew illustrations were very popular ones. This demonstrates that Kim, Yong-Hwan was much recognized in Japan for his talent. However, a large number of Kim, Yong-Hwan's illustrations were published from late 1930s to mid-1940s. This period was the years that Japan concentrated all her energy for World War II. All the publishing were severely censored during this period. A majority of publishing in this period supported Japanese militarism, and glorified Japan's war policy. Kim, Yong-Hwan's illustrations were no exception, too. It was really sorry about his activity during his Japan period. This essay means a lot to a field of cartoon studies in terms of a collection of materials during Kim, Yong-Hwan's Japan period. Besides, I think that henceforth, this paper can contribute to a follow-up study on Kim, Yong-Hwan' work and his broad background.