• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.43 no.6
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• pp.1-15
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• 2015

Changgyeongwon emerged as pleasure grounds following the creation of a museum, zoo and botanical garden in Changgyeonggung Palace during the Japanese colonial period. Pleasure grounds offer space for entertainment and have maintained the image of a paradise apart from reality. This study examined the creation process of pleasure grounds within a royal palace and the following spatial changes. By analyzing the image of Changgyeongwon as an artificial paradise, this study explored its landscape and cultural aspects. Literature reviews on the intention and process showed that the Changgyeongwon pleasure grounds were created as a 'royal garden' for the amusement of Sunjong, as well as 'public pleasure grounds' in the process of colonization. It was one of the first public spaces open to everyone who could afford the entrance fee. The layout of Changgyeongwon was studied by a comparison and analyzation of modern plans and photographs. It was composed of the central museum zone, northern botanical garden zone, and southern zoological garden zone. A conservatory and greenhouse to exhibit and maintain tropical plants were intensively built in the botanical garden zone while an aviary was created on the zoo pond. In the vicinity of the aviary a vivarium was constructed. Museum exhibition facilities included a main building as well as existing buildings, and a western flower garden was created between the buildings. Space for children including a playground and horse-riding course were created in the 1930's. The paradisiacal image and pleasure grounds culture of Changgyeongwon were studied as follows. Firstly, it shows that Changgyeongwon's paradisiacal image where rare animals and exotic plants were open to the public was promoted by the zoo and botanical garden. This led to the creation of new popular leisure activities such as flower appreciation and animal watching. Secondly, Changgyeongwon offered an urban leisure space, symbolizing the 'non-urban nature within the city' where the urban residents could escape from the daily routine. Thirdly, Changgyeongwon was known for its 'fantastic night landscape' by its night opening during the cherry blossom season. This cherry blossom viewing at night sadly degenerated by various shows and drinking, and as a result, an image of a deviant paradise was given to Changgyeongwon. Changgyeongwon contributed to creating a new space with its diverse facilities, and the public embraced the urban culture through experiences of pleasure and entertainment.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.4
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• pp.224-243
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• 2014

This study examined the materials and casting technology(cast, alloy, etc.) used in the manufacturing of bronze artifacts based on old literature such as Yongjae Chonghwa, Cheongong Geamul, and The Korea Review. In the casting experiment for restoration of Sangpyong Tongbo, a bronze and brass mother coin mold was made using the sand mold casting method described in The Korea Review. The cast was comprised of the original mold plate frame, wooden frame, and molding sand. Depending on the material of the outer frame, which contains the molding sand, the original mold plate frame can be either a wooden frame or steel frame. For the molding sand, light yellow-colored sand of the Jeonbuk Iri region was used. Next, the composition of the mother alloy used in the restoration of Sangpyong Tongbo was studied. In consideration of the evaporation of tin and lead during actual restoration, the composition of Cu 60%, Zn 30%, and Pb 10% for brass as stated in The Korea Review was modified to Cu 60%, Zn 35%, and Pb 15%. For bronze, based on the composition of Cu 80%, Sn 6%, and Pb 14% used for Haedong Tongbo, the composition was set as Cu 80%, Sn 11%, and Pb 19%. The mother coin mold was restored by first creating a wooden father coin, making a cast from the wooden frame and basic steel frame, alloying, casting, and making a mother coin. Component analysis was conducted on the mother alloy of the restored Sangpyong Tongbo, and its primary and secondary casts. The bronze mother alloy saw a 5% increase in copper and 4% reduction in lead. The brass parent alloy had a 5% increase in copper, but a 4% and 12% decrease in lead and tin respectively. Analysis of the primary and secondary mother coin molds using an energy dispersive spectrometer showed that the bronze mother coin mold had a reduced amount of lead, while the brass mother coin mold had less tin. This can be explained by the evaporation of lead and tin in the melting of the primary mother coin mold. In addition, the ${\alpha}$-phase and lead particles were found in the mother alloy of bronze and brass, as well as the microstructure of the primary and secondary coin molds. Impurities such as Al and Si were observed only in the brass mother coin mold.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.2
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• pp.4-23
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• 2020

The purpose of this study was to explore the diversity of Korea's iron casting technology and to examine various casting methods. The study involved a literature review, analysis of artifacts, local investigation of production tools and technology, and scientific analysis of casting and cast materials. Bellows technology, or Bulmi technology, is a form of iron casting technology that uses bellows to melt cast iron before the molten iron is poured into a clay cast. This technology, handed down only in Jeju Island, relies on use of a clay cast instead of the sand cast that is more common in mainland Korea. Casting methods for cast iron pots can be broadly divided into two: sand mold casting and porcelain casting. The former uses a sand cast made from mixing seokbire (clay mixed with soft stones), sand and clay, while the latter uses a clay cast, formed by mixing clay with rice straw and reed. The five steps in the sand mold casting method for iron pot are cast making, filling, melting iron into molten iron, pouring the molten iron into the cast mold, and refining the final product. The six steps in the porcelain clay casting method are cast making, cast firing, spreading jilmeok, melting iron into molten iron, pouring the molten iron, and refining the final product. The two casting methods differ in terms of materials, cast firing, and spreading of jilmeok. This study provided insight into Korea's unique iron casting technology by examining the scientific principles behind the materials and tools used in each stage of iron pot casting: collecting and kneading mud, producing a cast, biscuit firing, hwajeokmosal (building sand on the heated cast) and spreading jilmeok, drying and biyaljil (spreading jilmeok evenly on the cast), hapjang (combining two half-sized casts to make one complete cast), producing a smelting furnace, roasting twice, smelting, pouring molten iron into a cast, and refining the final product. Scientific analysis of the final product and materials involved in porcelain clay casting showed that the main components were mud and sand (SiO₂, Al₂O₃, and Fe₂O₃). The release agent was found to be graphite, containing SiO₂, Al₂O₃, Fe₂O₃, and K₂O. The completed cast iron pot had the structure of white cast iron, comprised of cementite (Fe₃C) and pearlite (a layered structure of ferrite and cementite).

• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• v.45 no.1
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• pp.63-73
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• 2007

Korean children's clothes have unique aesthetic characteristics distinguished from other countries'. Our folk beliefs handed down from ancient times always contained fortune - seeking thoughts and particularly mothers' earnest wishes for the happiness of their children were sublimated into the symbolic beauty of their children's clothes. The present study examined children's clothes in the royal family and among the people for 50 years of the transitional period from the late Joseon Dynasty to modern times, by classifying them into ritual dress for new-born babies, festival dress and everyday dress. Male children's clothes included caps such as Bokgeon(복건), Hogeon(호건) and Gulle(굴레) topcoats such as Durumagi(두루마기), Sagyusam(사규삼) Koija(쾌자) and Jeonbok(전복) and others such as Magoja(마고자), Baeja(배자), Joggi(조끼) and Bajijeogori(바지저고리), Female children's clothes included caps and head ornaments such as Gulle, Jobawi(조바위) and Daenggi(댕기) and others such as Durumagi, Jegori and Chima(치마). What is interesting is that old clothes handed down to the present are mostly boys' and few of them are girls'. This is probably because of the strong preference for boys rather than girls that continued until the end of the 20th century. Ordinary people dressed their new - born babies with simple white clothes until Samchilil (the 21st day) or Baekil (the 100thday) but, for these occasions, the royal family prepared clothes as formal as those for the $1^{st}$ birthday among the public. Rainbow-striped garments were more popular among the public than in the royal family. As rainbow colors were known to Korean people to dispel evil power and bring in fortunes, rainbow - striped garments were essential for the $1^{st}$ birthday and festive days. However, they were seldom used in ordinarytimes, and most boys and girls wore plain jackets and plain topcoats. When children's clothes in noble families were compared with royal family's ones, either handed down to the present or found in old literature, no significant difference was observed in the basic composition of everyday dress. In particular, it was found that Andong Kim's family had dressed their children with very formal dress such as Dopo and Sagyusam. Among children's clothes, the most gorgeous one was that worn on the $1^{st}$ birthday, and those for other occasions or festive days were similar or simpler. Colors, patterns and designs used in decorating children's clothes mostly had the meanings of seeking fortunes for children such as long life, wealth and prosperity.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.4
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• pp.36-59
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• 2021

This study infers the origin and production period of the , which is in the Onyang folk museum, through analysis and interpretation of the Haeju Palgyeong and exploration of the landscapes and traditions contained in the painting. The first collection of landscapes to Haeju was identified as Haeju Palgyeong by Ku Sa-meng (1531-1604). Yoo Man-ju, writing in 1782, referred to it as Go-palgyeong in 『Heumyeong』 while Haeju Palgyeong was defined as Geum-palgyeong (今八景), which is the Haeju Palgyeong in the earliest period confirmed by literature. is 'Boating on the Nam river (南江泛舟)', 'Lotus viewing at Buyongdang (芙蓉賞蓮)', 'Foot washing at Gwangseokcheon (廣石濯足)', 'Seokbyul at Haeunkyo (泣川送客)', 'Fishing at Haeunjeong (東亭釣魚)' and 'Sea view at Namsan( 南山望海)', and the final two contain a picture that contains 'Viewing the moon at Yeonghaeru (瀛海玩月)' and 'Writing contest and Archery at Baeklimjeong (栢林觀德)' The Suyang Chaemi(首陽採薇), Shingwang-jeoljeol (神光霽雪), and Jiseong falls (池城瀑布) of Gopalgyeong, which were excluded from Haeju Palgyeong, are all landscapes unfolding as a grand site of Suyangsan Mountain. is a result of the reorganization of Seunggyeong centered on Eupchi (邑治), away from the Suyangsan area. It has emerged as a seunggyeong of Haeju. The elaborateness of trying to contain the detailed prizes representing Haeju, such as the specialty sake of Haeju, is revealed. Most of the landscapes depicted in are historic and outstanding spots in Haemok, but the scenes of life related to daily life are properly arranged. In addition, Foot washing (濯足), Fishing(釣魚), Doing laundry (漂母), Lotus viewing (賞蓮), Sending guests (送客), Drinking (飮酒), sea viewing (望海), Moon viewing (玩月), Archery (射藝), Poetry (詩作), Drinking tea (飮茶), and Dancing (歌舞) are of various styles. Compared with the Gopalgyeongs, Haeju Palgyeong did not take into account the distribution of landscapes in the four seasons, and the small-sized view was also broken. When considering the time of the construction of Haeunjeong and the deterioration of Yeonghhoeru, it is believed that was produced in the early- to mid-18th century. is considered to be a painting that contributed to strengthening the sense of intimacy with the local people and promoting the pride of Haeju by showing the representative scenery of Haeju, such as scenic spots and customs, away from the ideal utopia.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.1
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• pp.4-21
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• 2019

In this paper, 23 Silla gold earrings from the sixth and seventhand centuries, excavated from the Yeongnam region, were analyzed. Based on the silver content of the gold plate, they were classified into three types. The classifications included type I(20-50wt%), type II(10-20wt%) and type III (less than 10wt%). In the analysis process, the composition and morphological differences were identified on the surface of the gold plate. In the case of type I and II earrings, it was observed that the fine holes were concentrated in a relatively higher part of the gold content. The causes of the difference in the surface composition of the gold plate were divided into four categories: 1) surface treatment, 2) thermal diffusivity in the manufacturing process, 3) differences in composition of alluvial gold, and 4) the refining method of gold. It is possible that depletion gilding was attempted to increase the gold content while intentionally removing the other metals from the surface of the gold alloy in the portion where the gold deposit is relatively concentrated on the surface of the gold plating. The highest copper content was detected in the earring with the highest gold content of the analyzed earrings, and it was assumed that thermal diffusion had occurred between the gold plate and the metal rod during the manufacturing process rather than intentional addition. Copper was detected only in the thin ring earring type, and copper was not detected in the thick ring earring type or pendant type. It also proves that this earring has a high degree of tightness at higher temperatures, as there was an invisible edge finish on other earrings and horizontal wrinkles on the gold plate surface. In terms of the material of the gold plate, we examined whether the silver content of the gold plate was natural gold or added by alloy through analyzing the alluvial gold collected in the region. As a result of the analysis, it was found that on average about 13wt% of silver is included. This suggests that type II is natural gold, type III is refined gold, and type I seems to have been alloyed with natural gold. Here, we investigated the refining method introduced in the ancient literature, both at home and abroad, about the possibility of alloying silver after the refining process of type III earrings and then making pure gold. It was found that from ancient refining methods, silver which had been present in the natural gold was removed by reacting and combining with silver chloride or silver sulfide, and long-term efforts and techniques were required to obtain pure gold through this method. Therefore, it was concluded that the possibility of adding a small amount of silver in order to increase strength after making pure gold through a refining process is low.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.4
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• pp.206-225
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• 2019

This paper examines the trade and development aspects of glass mirrors through the literature records of the Joseon Dynasty, and studies the characteristics of existing glass mirror crafts by referring to the terms and types shown in the literature. The glass mirror in the records had called western mirrors(西洋鏡, 洋鏡), glass mirrors(玻璃鏡, 玻瓈鏡), stone mirrors(石鏡), etc. Glass mirrors were imported mainly through trade with Russia and the Qing Dynasty since the 17th century and were banned from importation in the late Joseon Dynasty. These mirrors were something new that caused a great stirring in Joseon society in the 18th century, and in the 19th century, it grew larger as a commodity needed for everyday life, especially with trade with Japan. At that time, glass mirrors were used for various purposes, such as installing large glass at a store, which were not the standard mirror usage of confirming one's appearance. These mirrors surprised Koreans in Joseon who experienced them at Yanjing Liulichang(燕京 琉璃廠) in the 18th and 19th centuries. As a result, the demand for glass mirrors rapidly increased and quickly surpassed that of bronze mirrors. Consequentially, new crafts using glass mirrors instead of bronze mirrors in Joseon began to be produced and used after the 18th century. In particular, integrated flat boards of glass mirrors were developed as crafts used indoors. It was convenient to use the hair comb box, a long-time presence in Joseon society, with the bronze mirror. This kind of mirror remained apparent in various genre paintings, including the Taepyeong Seongsido(太平城市圖, 'A Thriving City in a Peaceful Era') collected the National Museum of Korea which reflect its populism of the times. Also, the Mirror Stand(鏡臺) used in the Qing Period was produced in Joseon, but there was a difference in the way of making the drawers and box shapes between two nations. On the other hand, the Face Mirror(面鏡) was made to look at the face. Various crafts made with the aesthetic sense of Joseon, such as the ox horn inlaying craft technique, were produced with auspicious designs. In the 19th century, glass mirrors were imported from European countries, such as France, Denmark, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom, however after the end of the 19th century Japanese crafts were popular. Glass mirrors, which were popular in the Meiji and Taisho eras of Japan, were imported and also the Mirror Screen(鏡屛) using large glass mirrors were used. In particular, the mirror screen had developed wood furniture since the previous time, which were used for banquets and large spaces, such as the drawing room, and were imported from China and Japan. In addition, the western architectural effect of attaching a mirror to the wall was also attempted to adjust the brightness of the space and introduce another image and scenery in the mirror. This was done at Deoksugung Palace's Seokjojeon.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.49 no.2
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• pp.172-189
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• 2016

In this research, literature research on the Odong material, mixture ratio, casting method and casting facility was conducted on contemporary documents, such as Cheongong Geamul. Also, a long sword was produced using the Odong inlay technique. The sword reproduction steps were as follows; Odong alloying, silver soldering alloying, Odong plate and Silver plate production, hilt and sheath production, metal frame and decorative elements, such as a Dugup (metal frame), production, Odong inlay assembly and final assembly. For the Odong alloy production, the mixture ratio of the true Odong, which has copper and gold ratio of 20:1, was used. This is traditional ratio for high quality product according to $17^{th}$ century metallurgy instruction manual. The silver soldering alloy was produced with silver and brass(Cu 7 : Zn 3) ratio of 5:1 for inlay purpose and 5:2 ratio for simple welding purpose. The true Odong alloy laminated with silver plate was used to produce hilt and sheath. The alloy went through annealing and forging steps to make it into 0.6 mm thick plate and its backing layer, which is a silver plate, had the matching thickness. After the two plates were adhered, the laminated plate went through annealing, forging, engraving, silver inlaying, shaping, silver welding, finishing and polishing steps. During the Odong colouring process, its red surface turns black by induced corrosion and different hues can be achieved depending on its quality. To accomplish the silver inlay Odong techniques, a Hanji saturated with thirty day old urine is wrapped around a hilt and sheath material, then it is left at warm room temperature for two to three hours. The Odong's surface will turn black when silver inlay remains unchanged. Various scientific analysis were conducted to study composition of recreated Odong panel, silver soldering, silver plate and the colouring agent on Odong's surface. The recreated Odong had average out at Cu 95.57 wt% Au 4.16wt% and Cu 98.04 wt% Au 1.95wt%, when documented ratio in the old record is Cu 95wt% and Au 5wt%. The recreated Odong was prone to surface breakage during manufacturing process unlike material made with composition ratio written in the old record. On the silver plate of the silver and Odong laminate, 100wt% Ag was detected and between the two layers Cu, Ag and Au were detected. This proves that the adhesion between the two layers was successfully achieved. The silver soldering had varied composition of Ag depending on the location. This shows uneven composition of the silver welding. A large quantities of S, that was not initially present, was detected on the surface of the black Odong. This indicates that presence of S has influence on Odong colour. Additional study on the chromaticity, additional chemical compounds and its restoration are needed for the further understanding of the origin of Odong colour. The result of Odong alloy testing and recreation, Odong silver inlay long sword production, scientific analysis of the Odong black colouring agent will form an important foundation of knowledge for conservation of Odong artifact.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.104
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• pp.102-142
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• 2023

The Bronze Bell of Wongaksa Temple, also known as the Bosingak Bell, was produced in 1468 during the reign of King Sejo for dedication at Wongaksa Temple in the middle of the capital Hanyang in celebration of the tenth anniversary of his accession to the throne. It is currently heavily damaged and cannot be struck. This paper focuses on the man-made damage inflicted on the Bosingak Bell and explores when, why, and by whom the bell was damaged along with the historical significance of this damage. In the first section, the relevant literature is reviewed and the problems concerned, research perspective, and methodology are presented. The history of related theories is investigated focusing on the relationship between Bosingak Bell and Wongaksa Bell. The perspective that Bosingak Bell and Wongaksa Bell are the same is introduced. My discussion will be developed from this perspective. In the second section, the background to King Sejo's construction of Wongaksa Bell is examined. Specifically, the bells commissioned by the kings of the early Joseon era are divided into court bells (jojong) and Buddhist bells (beomjong). They total four court bells and three Buddhist bells. The former are the Jongnu Tower Bell commissioned by King Taejo, Donhwamun Gate Bell by King Taejong, Gwanghwamun Gate Bell by King Sejong, and Sajeongjeon Hall Bell by King Sejo. The latter are the bells of Yongmunsa, Heungcheonsa (or Jeongneungsa) and Wongaksa Temples, all of which were made during the reign of King Sejo. Sejo also made Wongaksa Bell and gave it the meaning that the monarch and the Buddha both wish to enlighten the people through the sound of the bells. In the third section, traces of the man-made damage done to Bosingak Bell are closely examined. By observing the current condition of Bosingak Bell and comparing it with the contemporaneous Heungcheongsa Bell (1462) and Bongseonsa Bell (1469), the components of Bosingak Bell that were damaged can be identified. The damaged parts are again divided into Buddhist elements and non-Buddhist elements. The former includes the reversed lotus petals on the shoulder band, four standing bodhisattvas, and the inscription of the bell composed by Choe Hang. The latter includes lists of chief supervisors (dojejo). I describe the phenomenon of deliberately damaging Buddhist elements on bells as "effacement of Buddhism," meaning Buddhist images and inscriptions are eliminated, and I note the prevailing rejection of Buddhism theory among Neo-Confucianists as its ideological root. The erasure of non-Buddhist images was probably caused by political conflicts such as Yeonsangun's purge in 1504. Since both ideological and political factors played a role in the changes made to Bosingak Bell, the damage was possibly done between the Purge of 1504 and the abdication of Yeonsangun in 1506. Chapter four traces the transformation of the Buddhist bell of Wongaksa Temple into the Bosingak court bell. Finally completed in 1468, the Wongaksa Bell only served its role as a Buddhist bell at related services for a relatively brief period of 36 years (until 1504). Wongaksa Temple was closed down and the bell lost its Buddhist function. In 1536, it was moved from Wongaksa Temple to Namdaemun Gate, where it remained silent for the next 90 years until it was struck again in November 1594. However, after the destruction of the Jongnu Bell in a fire during the Japanese Invasions of Korea (1592-1598), the Buddhist bell from Wongaksa Temple became a court bell. The Wongaksa Temple bell was relocated to Jongnu Tower in 1619, traveling through Myeongdong Pass. From then on, as the official Jongnu Bell (later renamed Bosingak Bell), it was regularly rung at dawn and dusk every day for nearly 300 years until 1908, when Japanese authorities halted the ritual. The transformation of the Wongaksa Bell (a Buddhist bell) to Bosingak Bell (a court bell) means that the voice of the Buddha was changed to the voice of the king. The concept of "effacement of Buddhism," evident in the transformation of Wongaksa Bell to Bosingak Bell, was practiced widely on almost every manifestation of Buddhism throughout the Joseon period. In short, the damage evident in Bosingak Bell underscores the debuddhismization in Korean society during the Joseon Dynasty.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.38
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• pp.249-275
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• 2019

Gangneung farm song is important for the ritualistic labortheatricals. Especially, in the theatrical process program, the songsof weeding, such as Haksan Odokkteggi and Ssadae, were alsoincluded to represent the agricultural ritualistic prayer for goodharvest. The use of Gangneung farm song is attractive in termsofthe circumstances. There is no chance of success as a plan simplyfor local events. As a comprehensive art, Gangneung farmsongshould simultaneously revitalize locality, representability andglobality. In this context, three directions are suggested dependingon the development progress. The second direction to the thirddirection are mainly oriented toward government-local authoritycentered support, but, in particular, the third direction should aimtobe an open archive in which the public and the contents prosumercan participate. In the production of the traditional content, OSMUmust be endlessly recreated and spread through 'diversity' and'interrelationships'. The contents utilization was discussed based on the transmissiondetails and analysis evidence of Gangneung Haksan Odokttegi. Thediversification of the way of performing farm song and the folk songs that can induce interest were proposed. Furthermore, basedon the fact that 12 songs classified into 8 work types, there-creation of the contents that focus on the playful aspect of theperforming arts was also proposed. In addition to suggestingthedesirable discourse of the performance groups, the experienceprogram development, education, public relations andcommunication reinforcement based on the narrating principlesoffarm songs, and the development and execution of farmsongprograms based on the tradition and the event demands wereproposed. While mentioning the necessity of value creation, thevitality of performing arts skills that put emotion, imagination, fun, sympathy, and etc. on the original form and the model of farmsongs should be supplemented to Gangneung Haksan Odokttegi. The independent transmission aspect of Gangneung Arirangisalso positive. There are difficulties of reduction of traditionalitydueto the designation, standardized transmission, lack of developmentof voluntary performances, and demonstration-centeredtransmission. Narrowly, we focused on the education andvitalization directions in terms of the capacity building of theconservation council itself. By embodying the essential value of theagricultural literature that farm songs possess, it can bringimpression of all worlds, all lives, communication and sharing, anddraw inspiration from the humanistic view of the world andemotion. The reconstitution of agricultural heritage, theconstruction of a storytelling linked with the concrete objects suchas Beomil National Preceptor, Gulsansa, FlagpoleSupport(Dangganjiju), Seokcheon, Hakbawi rock, and etc., andtheestablishment of fusion type farm song museum were proposed. In terms of culture industry, we requested active support fromtheinstitutions including local governments and various farmsongstorytelling creation projects.