• Title/Summary/Keyword: Myth

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A study on the Musical Characteristics of Traditional-Sangdanyebul - Focusing on the Jogye Order and Taego Order - (전통 상단예불의 음악적 특징 고찰 - 조계종과 태고종을 중심으로 -)

  • Cha, Hyoung-suk
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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    • no.35
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    • pp.471-508
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    • 2017
  • The basic intent of this thesis lies in proposing a meaningful direction of developing cultural content by combining Asian traditional dance forms which hold cultural closeness in common historically. For this study, this paper selected Oyangseon(五羊仙; 'Five Taoist Hermits on Five Sheep'), a Korean court dance of Chinese origin as an example as the Oyangseon story is commonly found in ancient Vietnam and China as well as Korea. Its original narrative is a mythic story that five hermits had come down to ancient Vietnam region riding on five sheep of five colors to bestow 6 ears of milets to people. Later, the story was spread to other regions to be reformed into Woljeongjeon(越井傳; Vietnam), Choi Wee(崔?; China) and Oyangseon(Korea) that have different plot and background. While Woljeongjeon and Choi Wee were adapted into novels that describe the hero Choi Wee's mysterious adventure to be repaid his father's previous devotion to ancient King's shrine. Meanwhile, the epic narrative of Korean Oyangseon proves the modification of the original myth by adding a Seowangmo(西王母; a Chinese mythic heavenly queen) motif while it was enacted as a court dance to praise king's long life and pray country's prosperity following Confucian concept. Based on this historical lineage of Oyangseon story, I searched for the possiblity of constructing a cultural content program by combining the Oyangseon dance of three countries. While there was Oyangseonmu(五羊仙舞) in China which was recently composed by referring to Korean Oyangseon, any traditional dance item based on Oyangseon story was not available in Vietnam. Thus, I tried to propose the Vietnam Dance College to choreograph a new dance item with Woljeongjeon story while using the traditional dance technique, music, costume, etc. of Vietnam as most as possible. As a result, I could display a direction of developing a cultural content by staging three countries' dance items based on Oyangseon story at Korean National Haneul Theater in Oct 2016.

Animated characters of Disney animation using the transformation and alter ego of fantasy (변신과 분신의 환상을 활용한 디즈니애니메이션의 인물표현)

  • Lee, Hye-Won
    • Cartoon and Animation Studies
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    • pp.117-141
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    • 2016
  • The various representations are receiving attention in modern society that has so many contents. Among them, the fantasy shows that you can not see in reality. But the intention of these fantasies is not giving a visual fun. The fantasy show the reality through stories that are not in reality. The fantasy that allows readers to continue to make the suspect between the real and the imagination and that suspect arises from the desire of real life. If the desire break the community, the social ideology will collapses. Conversely, if the desire is overturned by community, the social will be maintained. The goal of the fantasy which has the relationships of society is revealed through the various expressions of existence. They are divided into the subject and the other show the inner side of the main character. The subject shows the inner side of the main character by the transformation, alter ego and the other exists. The other shows the desire of the subject by the transformation, alter ego and the strangers. Disney animation studios select the target audience and the message in relation with the society. They choose the original like the fairy tale, myth and change them to satisfy the middle class. The characters of Disney animation says that messages by the expression of fantasy. The subject go through the transformation by twice. The first transformation is antisocial and the second transformation is social. The second shows a complete transformation. The other characters personified show the many kinds of the main character. The other as the alter ego of the main character represents the desire of the subject. They are described as an object of fear and exclusion. They expresses as a dark and menacing looks and hinders the complete transformation of the subject. But they were overthrown by the subject at the end of the story and it strengthen the social ideology. As a result, Disney highlights the value and the moral message of the society by using the representation of fantasy.

The Myth of Huang-ti(the Yellow Emperor) and the Construction of Chinese Nationhood in Late Qing(淸) ("나의 피 헌원(軒轅)에 바치리라" - 황제신화(黃帝神話)와 청말(淸末) '네이션(민족)' 구조의 확립 -)

  • Shen, Sung-chaio;Jo, U-Yeon
    • Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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    • no.27
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    • pp.267-361
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    • 2008
  • This article traces how the modern Chinese "nation" was constructed as an "imagined community" around Huang-ti (the Yellow Emperor) in late Qing. Huang-ti was a legendary figure in ancient China and the imperial courts monopolized the worship of him. Many late Qing intellectuals appropriated this symbolic figure and, through a set of discursive strategies of "framing, voice and narrative structure," transformed him into a privileged symbol for modern Chinese national identity. What Huang-ti could offer was, however, no more than a "public face" for the imagined new national community, or in other words, a formal structure without substantial contents. No consensus appeared on whom the Chinese nation should include and where the Chinese nation should draw its boundaries. The anti-Manchu revolutionaries emphasized the primordial attachment of blood and considered modern China an exclusive community of Huang-ti's descent. The constitutional reformers sought to stretch the boundaries to include the ethnic groups other than the Han. Some minority intellectuals, particularly the Manchu ones, re-constructed the historic memory of their ethnic origin around Huang-ti. The quarrels among intellectuals of different political persuasion testify how Huang-ti as the most powerful cultural symbol became a site for contests and negotiations in the late Qing process of national construction.

Tradition and Identity of Korean Mime (한국 마임의 전통성과 정체성 - 기원, 역사, 특징 -)

  • Kim, Ik-Doo
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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    • no.18
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    • pp.5-46
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    • 2009
  • The origin of Korean mime is traceable to sacred actions of prehistoric age. There are materials about mime of this age in the archeological materials of this age, oral literature/myth, and written literature about this age. There were traces of the most original form of mime in primitive ritual of tribal nation age. The mimes of Samkooksidae/Tree Nation Age of Korea were presented to forms of Kamoobekhee(歌舞百戱)/Sanakbekhee(散樂百戱). We can discover traces of mime of this age in Hosunmoo(胡旋舞), Gwangsumoo(廣袖舞), Kweraehee(傀儡戱), Keeak(伎樂), Kummoo(劍舞) Muaemoo(無㝵舞), and so forth. Especially, Keeak in Beckjae was mask mime of Buddhistic contents. We can recognize that secular theatres were more diversified and strengthened than sacred thaetres in Nambukgooksidae/South-north Nation Age. According to these changes, there were many changes in the mime of this age. We can concretely find traditions of mime of this age in Cheryongkamoo(處容歌舞), Hwangchanmoo(黃倡舞), Taemyun(大面), Wuljen(月顚), Sodok(束毒)', Sanyae (狻猊), and so forth. Mimes of Koreasidae/Korea Age take diverse forms of puppet play, mask play, dance play. Established traditional mimes as Cheryongkamoo(處容歌舞) were widely disseminated in society. And dance plays of mime form as Hunsundo(獻仙桃), Pokurak(抛毬樂), Yunhwadae(蓮花臺)' were imported from Song Nation of China. Mime of Chosundidae/Chosun Age were developed with changes of theatre that were divided into Kyusickjeehee[規式之戲] as Kwangdae(廣大), Ser-in(西人), Joojil(注叱), Rongryung(弄鈴), Kendoo(斤頭) and Sohakjihee[笑謔之戱] as Soochuk(水尺) Sengkwangdae(僧廣大). Styles of theatre in this age were specialized into mudangkuk, Pungmoolkut, Inhyunguk/Puppet play, Talnoree/Mask paly, Pansori, Kungjoong Kamuakguk. According to this changes, mime of this age were specialized into diverse aspects. Korean mime were specialized into Kutnorum-formed mime, Inhyungnorum-formed mime, Jabsaeknorum-formed mime, Talnorum-formed mime, Kungjoongmuyong-formed mime, Pansori-formed mime, and so forth.

Landscape Meanings and Communication Methods Based on the Aesthetics of Ruins in the Poem 'Kyungjusipiyung' written by Seo Geojeong (서거정의 '경주십이영(慶州十二詠)'의 의미와 폐허미학적 소통방식)

  • Rho, Jae-Hyun
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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    • v.37 no.2
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    • pp.90-103
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    • 2009
  • The poem 'Kyungjusipiyung(慶州十二詠)' written by Seo, Geo-jeong(徐居正) describes sentiments felt for the ruined historical and cultural landscape of Silla's capital city, Kyungju. It differs from the existing 'Eight Sceneries(八景)' as it conveys the strong metaphorical aesthetics of ruins as the episodes and figures are sung, as well as the myths and stories related to the representative holy places of the Silla culture: Gyelim(鷄林), Banwolseong(半月城), Najeong(蘿井), Oneung(五陵), Geumosan(金鰲山), the scenic beauty of deep placeness, Poseokjeong(鮑石亭), Mooncheon(蚊川), Cheomseongdae(瞻星臺), Boonhwangsa(芬皇寺), Youngmyosa(靈妙寺) and Grave of the General Kim Yu-Sin(金庾信墓). Compared with the former "Eight Sceneries" Poems, including Seo Geojeong's 'Kyungjusipiyung', there is a difference in the content of theme recitation, as well as in structure and form, especially with the deep impression of the classical features of the meanings and acts. The sequence of theme recitation seems to be composed of more than two visual corridors visited during trips that last longer than two days. The dominant emotions expresses in this poem, through written in the spring, are regret and sadness such as 'worn', 'broken and ruined', 'old and sad', without touching on the beauty of nature and the taste for life that is found in most of the Eight Sceneries Poems. Thus, the feelings of the reciter himself, Seo, Geo-jeong, about the described sceneries and their symbolism are more greatly emphasized than the beauty of form. The characteristic aspect of his experiences of ruins expressed from 'Kyungjusipiyung' is that the experiences were, first of all, qualitative of the aura conveyed; that is, the quality omnipresent throughout the culture of Silla as reflected in the twelve historical and cultural landscapes. In this poem, the cultural ruins of the invisible dimension such as the myths and legends are described by repetition, parallelism, juxtaposition, reflection and admiration from the antiphrases, as well as the civilized ruins of the visible dimension such as the various sceneries and features of Kyungju. This seems to be characteristic of the methods by which Seo, Geo-jeong appreciates 'Silla' in the poem 'Kyungjusipiyung'. Ruins as an Aesthetic Object imply the noble pride of Seo, Geo-jeong in identifying himself with the great nature of ruins. In 'Kyungjusipiyung', the images of the ruins of Silla and Kyungju are interspersed in spite of his positive recognition of 'the village of Kyungju' based on his records. However, though the concept of ruins has a pessimistic tone connoting the road of extinction and downfall, the aspect here seems to ambivalently contain the desire to recover and revive Kyungju through the Chosun Dynasty as adominant influence on the earlier Chosun's literary tide. The aesthetics of the scenery found in Seo, Geo-jeong's 'Kyungjusipiyung' contain the strongest of metaphor and symbolism by converting the experiences of the paradoxical ruins into the value of reflective experiences.

Literature of Korean Verse, Sijo and Taoist Hermit (시조문학과 신선)

  • Kim, Myeong-Hee
    • Sijohaknonchong
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    • v.30
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    • pp.21-52
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    • 2009
  • This study observed what roles and identity the Taoist Hermits have when they appear in Korean Verse, SiJo, which was preoccupied by the illustrious-officials in Choseon Dynasty. This study has found that languages of Taoist Hermit frequently appear in SiJo, through the historical study documents focusing on only the mountain wizards in terma of the genre, SiJo. Of those terms used by Taoist Hermit, most prominent was 'JeokSongJa', which was expressed as that sought by the illustrious-officials-they were using the sentence, 'I will follow JeokSongJa' to the extent that it is an idiom. This suggests that the illustrious officials in ChoSeon Dynasty meant if one was going to be entitled to become a Taoist Hermit, he should seek 'JeokSongJa' first. We can see those illustrious officials were using the words with a ideological tone, affected by then 'JangRyang' or 'BeomRyo' who were devoting themselves to finding 'JeokSongJa' with a belief that they could become a Taoist Hermit and live forever, which had been handed down as a legend or a myth. Meanwhile, Li Po is a profile who can not considered, separately in the history of Korean Literature. Li Po recited poems, as a great poet and a hard drinker, who were incited in SiJo of those illustrious officials as a intimate person. In contrast, among those who were accepted as a negative profile, were a Chinese Emperor JinSi and HanMuje. These two emperors, who were looking for a herb of eternal youth and Mt. BongRae, figures who had lost their positions in the real political circle. In addition, they couldn't make their dreams to get perennial youth and long life come true, which stimulated the illustrious officials of that time to recite those poems indicating there is no ideal Utopia so it's better be satisfied with the reality living up to the realistic idea of Confucianism. In this sense, those two emperors are negative. There are also women Taoist Hermits present in SiJo, including MaGo nymphs, SeoWangMo, MuSanShinNyo, and Hang-A. MaGo nymphs were grandmothers who superintend the longevity, often incited as a beautiful woman; SeoWangMo was a Toast Hermit who had an elixir of life; MuSanShinNyo is a beautiful woman who was representing the attachment of cloud friendship; and Hang-A is expressed as a goddess who betrayed her husband and as a result staying lonely in the moon palace. These women goddesses were characterized by their beautiful appearances, generous and delicate personalities. widely incited in romantic poems.

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Impacts of Increasing Volatility of Profitability on Investment Behavior (수익변동성 확대와 설비투자 위축)

  • LIM, Kyung-Mook
    • KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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    • v.30 no.1
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    • pp.1-31
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    • 2008
  • Various opinions have been suggested to explain the slump in equipment investment, such as increased government regulations, shareholder-oriented management by expanded foreign equity investment, response against M&A threats, conservative investment trends seen after a series of bankruptcy of large conglomerates (amidst crumbling myth of "Too Big to Fail"), and financial restructuring. Some also argued that the increased uncertainty in business environment is mainly responsible for conservative management, though there are few domestic studies made regarding the situation. But, in other countries, including the U.S., studies have shown that more volatility is seen now surrounding stock prices, profitability, and sales growth rate reflecting business performance. Also, there are other studies showing such expanded volatility have led to conservative management by businesses. In this regard, this study reviews the volatility conditions of business performance of Korean companies based on profitability, and then attempts to analyze the impact on investment brought on by increased volatility. Each company's profitability volatility used here is from the standard deviation of companies for the past five years. As a profitability indicator, the ROA (= operating profit/total asset) is used. According to the analysis, profitability volatility has remarkably increased from the mid 3% in 1994 to low 5% in 2005. Profitability volatility of the Korean companies has expanded to a great extent since the financial crisis. The crisis might have served to raise the volatility in the macroeconomic conditions. If increased volatility observed during the economic crisis had gradually declined after the crisis, the situation could be interpreted as a temporary phenomenon, not to be too concerned over. But, this was not the case for Korea. The volatility level, after the crisis, has not dropped back to its pre-crisis level. Hence, in the Korea's case, high volatility cannot be explained by the impact of financial crisis. Not only that, the fact that such expansion is seen in every industrial sector indicates that this phenomenon cannot be explained by the composition change of industries alone. An undergoing study shows that with a rapid spread of globalization, industries fiercely competing with China experience more volatility. Such increased volatility tends to contract investment, and since the crisis the impact of volatility on investment has slightly increased. It is noteworthy that this study only includes a part of 'uncertainty' that could be measured statistically. For instance, the profitability volatility indicator used in this study is unable to reflect all the effects that the tacit reduction of protection by the government or regulations might have made. So, the result here also indicates that other 'uncertain' factors not mentioned in this study may have served to contract investment sentiment. It would be impossible for policies to completely remove uncertainties measured by profitability volatility, but at least it is necessary to put effort to reduce the macroeconomic volatility in the future economic management. Stabilized macroeconomic management may not be enough to diminish all volatility that occurs within each company, but it would make a meaningful contribution in encouraging investment.

Inflow at Ssangyongmun Gate During the Goryeo Dynasty and Its Identity (고려시대 쌍룡문경(雙龍紋鏡) 유입(流入)과 독자성(獨自性))

  • Choi, Juyeon
    • MUNHWAJAE Korean Journal of Cultural Heritage Studies
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    • v.52 no.2
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    • pp.142-171
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    • 2019
  • The dragon is an imaginary animal that appears in the legends and myths of the Orient and the West. While dragons have mostly been portrayed as aggressive and as bad omens in the West, in the Orient, as they symbolize the emperor or have an auspicious meaning, dragons signify a positive meaning. In addition, as the dragon symbolizes the emperor and its type has been diversified considering it as a divine object that controls water, people have tried to express it as a figure. The records related to dragons in the Goryeo dynasty appeared with diverse topics in 'History of Goryeo' and are generally contents related to founding myths, rituals for rain, and Shinii (神異), etc. The founding myth emphasizes the legality of the Goryeo dynasty through the dragon, and this influenced the formation of the dragon's descendants. In addition, the ability to control water, which is a characteristic of the dragon, was symbolized as an earth dragon related to the rainmaking ritual, i.e., wishing for rain during times of drought. Since the dragon was the symbol of the royal family, the use of the dragon by common people was strictly restricted. Furthermore, the association of a bronze dragon mirror with the royal family is hard to be excluded. The type and quantity of bronze double dragon mirrors discovered to have existed during the Goryeo dynasty is great, and the production and the distribution of bronze mirrors with double dragons seem to have been more active compared to other bronze mirrors, as bronze mirrors with double dragons produced during Goryeo and bronze mirrors originating in China were mixed. Therefore, in this article, the characteristics of diverse bronze mirrors from the 10th century to the 14th century in China were examined. It seems that the master craftsmen who produced bronze mirrors with double dragons during the Goryeo dynasty were influenced by Chinese composition patterns when making the mirrors. Because there were many cases where a bronze mirror's country of origin could not easily be determined, in order to identify the differences between bronze double dragon mirrors produced during the Goryeo dynasty and bronze mirrors produced in China, meticulous analysis was required. Thus, to ascertain that Goryeo mirrors were not imitations of bronze mirrors with double dragons originating in China but produced independently, the mirrors were examined using the bronze double dragon mirror type classification system existing in our country. Bronze mirrors with double dragons are classified into three types: Type I, which has the style of the Yao dynasty, includes the greatest proportion; however, despite there being only a small quantity for comparison, Types II and III were selected for the analysis of the bronze mirrors with double dragons made in Goryeo because they have unique composition patterns. As mentioned above, distinguishing bronze mirrors made during Goryeo from bronze mirrors made in China is challenging because Goryeo bronze mirrors were made under the influence of China. Among them, since the manufacturing place of the bronze mirrors with double dragons found at the nine-story stone pagoda in Woljeongsa Temple in Pyeongchang is questionable and the composition pattern of the bronze mirror is hard to find on bronze mirrors with double dragons made in China, the manufacturing place of those bronze mirrors were examined. These bronze mirrors with double dragons were considered as bronze mirrors with double dragons made during the Goryeo dynasty adopting the Yao dynasty style composition pattern as aspects of the composition pattern belonged to Type I, and the detailed combination of patterns is hard to find in mirrors produced in China.