• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
• /
• v.5 no.1
• /
• pp.9-16
• /
• 2017

In an English multiple Wh-construction with two wh-words, only a higher-located wh-word in a sentence structure is allowed to pre-pose to the Spec of CP, which has been known as a Superiority Effect(SE). Contrary to English, Korean and Japanese have been known not to respect SE, and this phenomenon has been called an Anti-Superiority Effect(ASE). Recent studies including Takita et al(2007) and Harada(2015) among others, however, have suggested exceptional cases to ASE in Japanese, and attempted to explain them through a feature checking mechanism within the Minimalist Program(MP) by Chomsky(1995, 1998). Such explanations of MP, which are based on the abstract feature checking system, have recently been considered just as a kind of technicalia and should be backed up with further empirical evidence. In this paper, I show that there are also exceptions to ASE in Korean, and the exceptional cases to ASE both in Korean and Japanese can be well explainable based on the empirical evidence of Korean/Japanese morpho-syntax.

• Language and Information
• /
• v.6 no.2
• /
• pp.129-152
• /
• 2002

This paper argues for a need to adopt a conceptually radical approach to zero anaphora resolution in Korean. It is shown that a number of apparently conflicting constraints, mostly motivated by lexical, syntactic, semantic, and pragmatic factors, are involved in determining the referential identity of zero pronouns in Korean. It is also argued that some of the major concepts of Optimality Theory can provide a good theoretical framework to predict the antecedents to zero pronouns in general. A partial formalization of 07-based constraints at the morpho-syntactic and lexico-semantical level is provided. It is argued that the lexico-semantic restrictions on adjacent expressions play the most important role in the anaphora resolution process along with a variant of the binding principle, formulated in semantic terms. Other pragmatically motivated constraints that incorporate some important intuitions of Centering Theory are proposed too.