• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.16
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• pp.167-182
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• 2003

The societies of HuiDaoMen, appeared upon the scene of history in the later feudal age of china, were religious secret organizations whose adherents resisted their government or powerful families. Generally, HuiDaoMens are grouped into political ones and religious ones. This distinction, however, comes from on which characteristics they laid emphasis, because both of regional and political goal appear in most of HuiDaoMens. Although those contemporary governments ordinarily called them Dow-Bees, which were groups of burglars without any political goal or regional ideal, HuiDaoMens are quite distinguishable from them. So, it is possible to say that the requisites of HuiDaoMen were to be a secret society, to be popular, to be religious, to be political. That is, HuiDaoMens should not be understood as mere superstitious secret group, but religious societies giving comforts to people as popular societies in feudal age. It is very important to have correct understandings on these HuiDaoMens, because they firstly appeard in the middle years of Ming(明) dynasty, and considerably affected the progress of Chinese history. Now I expect upcoming researches on them to bring into focus various aspects related to contemporary and social circumstances.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.49 no.3
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• pp.52-77
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• 2016

A spirit tablet of king Guan Yu is enshrined in Donggwanwangmyo shrine[East Shrine of King Guan Yu], which houses 51 hanging boards. The hanging boards were written by the kings of Joseon Dynasty and envoys and generals of the Ming and Qing Dynasties. Most studies on hanging boards have been focused on the collections of the palaces but not on those in Donggwanwangmyo shrine. In this regard, this study researches the hanging boards of the kings' writings in the late Joseon period and analyzes their forms and contents. In terms of contents, it examines who made the boards, when they made them, and what brought them to make them, etc. This study analyzes the forms of hanging boards by types, used materials, and periodic transition of forms. The findings are as follows. First, Donggwanwangmyo shrine houses 7 pieces of hanging boards inscribed with kings' handwriting: one piece of King Sukjong, 4 pieces of King Yeongjo, and 2 pieces of Emperor Gojong. They are divided into two types: one is the name of the buildings and the other is the poems that the kings wrote regarding what they felt when they visited the shrine. Especially, the latter were written by the kings who visited the shrine in spring and autumn. The kings intended to promote peace of royal family through a sense of royalty and fidelity of King Guan Yu. Second, the hanging boards of the kings are differentiated from those of the envoys and generals of the Ming and Qing Dynasties in materials and forms. The background of the board is colored by blue, deep red lacquer color, and black lacquer color, which are more expensive than black color or white color. The hanging boards are embossed with the kings' handwritings and then colored with gold. The frame-style four-side hanging board is held at a 45-degree angle and painted with floral patterns and seven-treasure patterns in Dancheong technique. The left and right sides and the top and bottom sides of the board are decorated with Dang-cho pattern(Korean arabesque pattern). This style is called "quadrilateral"and considered the most classy and top-class among the other three ones. In conclusion, this study confirms the status of Donggwanwangmyo shrine with hanging boards inscribed with kings' handwritings as a political space where kings had interest and demanded their soldiers' royalty and fidelity. Research into the boards inscribed with the handwritings of envoys of the Ming Dynasty and generals of the Qing Dynasty, and the comparison of the styles and periodic transition of forms will be reserved for another study.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.32
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• pp.309-336
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• 2011

There were various linking points that connect Li xue(Neo-Confucianism) to aesthetics in Song Dynasty as following. 1. The traditional moral as "pursuing pleasure of Kong-zi and Yan Hui" 2. Esteem of "life and vitality". Scholars of Li xue in Song regarded the pleasure of acting up to "benevolence" as a beauty, and this benevolence originated in the "heaven and earth; the universe". "Benevolence", that is to say, is name of the nature that continuous reproduction breed in an endless succession by "Yin-Yang the universe", thus the natural "life and vitality" of the "heaven and earth" as the matter of course is the perfect beauty. 3. An idea of "serene contemplation". Originally the "serene contemplation" belongs to discipline of "Li xue", however simultaneously this conception was entirely applicable to aesthetic point of view. 4. Cosmological consciousness. In the same manner, the "pleasure" which is moralistic and moreover aesthetic is indivisible from cosmic contemplation itself. Because of this point, the art and aesthetics of Song Dynasty self-consciously had the cosmological consciousness in its fullness. 5. Respect of beauty of nature. Scholars of "Li xue" considered as : no matter what "Li" or "Qi" that producing all things is "coming of itself", that is by no means artificially operated or prearranged in advance. Such standpoint was applied to creative art and made art of Song Dynasty esteem beauty of nature (coming of itself) exceedingly. 6. Laying stress on "disposition". Scholars of "Li xue" ordinarily valued much of "disposition of a sage", consequently this tendency influenced on aesthetics. "disposition" indicates the whole impression that one who has appearance and the inside(personality, temper, thought, etc.) gives to others. By putting that impression into practice of art and literature, it is to materialize the works of art as a unity of form and subject, also as an expression of human existence that breathed into one's sensibility on the whole. 7. Principles of "completing inquiry", "study the laws of nature by close access" of "Li xue". These principles made art and literature of Song Dynasty take a serious view of "Li" of all over the universe, so made them close investigate things, and after all have achieved very remarkable characteristic in art and literature, especially in paintings of Song Dynasty. Theory of painting in Song Dynasty had occupied considerably high position in Chinese aesthetic history. It was positively superior to former generations no matter what in quantity or in theoretical minuteness and its systematic level. Undoubtedly the Chinese theory of painting had been achieving development time after time since Song Dynasty. However if we could make a comparison it with every single period (ex. Yuan, Ming, and Qing Dynasties), there is no prominent period than Song Dynasty in theory of paintings. Song period had number of essays of Landscape painting.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.58
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• pp.307-336
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• 2018

This paper traces the historical genealogy of the subjectivity and the silsim (實心, true mind) that appear in Jeong In-Bo's "gukhak" (國學, the national learning) thought and illuminates its characteristics. In the modern East Asian history of thought, the beginning of the emergence of subjectivity and the silsim as the main philosophical topic comes from the Neo-Confucianism of Song Dynasty in China. Cheng Yi is the first thinker to emphasize subjectivity and consciousness. Zhu Xi and Wang Yang-ming inherit the Neo-Confucian thought based on Cheng Yi's principle of subjectivity, but only show difference in methodology. In the Chosun Dynasty, Jeong Je-Doo and his School were one example of the Neo-Confucian spirit of subjectivity and the silsim. Although Jeong In-Bo (鄭寅普) belongs to Jeong Je-Doo's school of Ganghwa in the school curriculum, he has only used it methodologically since he believed that Yangming's learning is more effective in the awareness and practice of the silsim. Especially noteworthy is that the principle of subjectivity led Jeong In-Bo to follow the frame of Zhu Xi's moral theory. Jeong's claim that selfish desire (jasasim 自私心) should be controlled by a conscious mind (silsim) being aware of the right and 'ought to do' corresponds to Zhu Xi's view that the moral mind (dosim 道心) should be selected in the conflict situation between sensual desire (insim 人心) and moral consciousness so that the insim should be supervised by the dosim. Such ethics is a position to emphasize the inner motive and the sense of duty of conduct, and there is no fundamental difference in Zhu Xi and Wang Yang-ming. At least on this point, it is necessary to look at modern and contemporary Korean studies from the perspective of continuity, not discontinuity from Confucian tradition.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.68
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• pp.69-97
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• 2017

In this paper, I tried to examine the aspects of overcoming the aftermath of war through literary works. As history is continuously being reinterpreted and reevaluated, historical figures are described differently and given new meanings especially in the field of literature. It is not only important to examine these interpretations from previous generations themselves; it is also important to analyze them from a modern day perspective and look closely at their meanings. This research, by focusing on the post Manchu's invasion period, I examined the contemporary discussion. Literary works which were written in the post Manchu's invasion had different meaning comparing to the other time. Scholars at that time wanted to use historical figures as an allegory of temporary national situation. And this social phenomena was deeply related to the temporary discourses such like wipe off a disgrace by taking revenge on Qing (boksu $s{\breve{o}}lch^{prime}I$, 復讐雪恥) or loyalty to the Ming dynasty ($taemy{\breve{o}}ng$ ${\breve{u}}iri$, 對明義理). So that this research takes genre, time period, and nationality as the main variables to interpret typical historical figures and study their aspects.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.6
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• pp.189-227
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• 1993

I have studied life of Yoon-Dong-Li(尹東里), who applied Un-Ki(運氣) theory to medicine during Suk-Jong(肅宗) to Joong-Jo(正祖) in Yi-Dynasty and also studied his existing writings named ${\ll}$Cho-Chang-kyeol${\gg}$ (草窓訣). The referenced original work prints were based on 1980's print of Chung-Ku oriental medical society and National Central Library and The academy a korean studies possessed print. Studied with these books, I have concluded as follows. 1. Yoon-Dong-Li(尹東里) courtesy name is Ja-Mi(子美), pen name is Cho-Chang(草窓). He was born in 1705, Suk-Jong(肅宗) 31yrs, and died in 1784, Jeong-Jo(正祖) 8yrs in Yi-Dynasty. He had lineage of third-generationed-doctor and learned medicine from his uncle, Yoon-Woo-Kyo(尹雨敎). His father Yoon-Yi-Kyo(尹이敎) gaved him second influence. 2. Confucianal physician in Ming Dynasty You-Bu(劉溥) respected Ju-Ryeom-Kye(周溓溪), confucianist in Song-Dynasty and You-Bu(劉溥) does not removed grass in front of window (because in chinese, Cho-Charig(草窓) means grass in front of window), and named himself Cho-Chang(草窓). Yoon-Dong-Li(尹東里) followed this suit so called himself Cho-Chang (草窓). 3. The main contents of ${\ll}$Cho-Chang-Kyeol${\gg}$ (草窓訣), (運氣衍論) was written in 1725, when Yoon-Dong-Li(尹東里) was 21yrs old and printed in 1736. The other part of ${\ll}$Cho-Chang-Kyeol${\gg}$ (草窓訣), (用藥篇) was written in 1746. These two parts were not written in the satre time. The (運氣衍論) was written llyears earlier than (用藥). Two parts were combined another day and named (草窓訣). 4. Existing ${\ll}$Cho-Chang-Kyeol${\gg}$ (草窓訣) is transcribed printing with the con tent of "Five elements motion and the six kind of natural factors theory" (五運六氣設). Each edition is generally similar in content, but also has different points each other so naw we hardly finds a complete set of works. 5. ${\ll}$Cho-Chang-Kyeol${\gg}$ (草窓訣) is a first technical book which treats of Un-Ki(運氣) theory in korea. 6. The contents of (運氣衍論) of ${\ll}$Cho-Chang-Kyeol${\gg}$ (草窓訣) is mechanism of diease according to excess and insuffciency of five elements motion and six kinds of nalural faclors.and symploms and priscriptions, includes variated priscriptions. 7. Two parts in (運氣衍論) of ${\ll}$Cho-Chang-Kyeol${\gg}$ (草窓訣), 'Sang-tong' (相通) and 'Kak-Tong' (各通), threats of mochanisim of the disease according to five elements. with the principle of inter-promoting and inter-acting, in the change of ten heavenly stems and five elements motion. 8. In the (用藥篇) of ${\ll}$Cho-Chang-Kyeol${\gg}$ (草窓訣) describes priscription for clinical application according to Un-Ki(運氣) and also records about misuse of medicine. 9. In the ${\ll}$Cho-Chang-Kyeol${\gg}$ (草窓訣), most of priscription are common using one, which also found in ${\ll}$Dong-$\breve{U}$i-Bo-Garm${\gg}$ (東醫寶鑑) and there are few of priscriptions hy Yoon-Dong-Li(尹東里).

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.30 no.1
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• pp.31-50
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• 2017

Objectives : This paper aims to shed light on the change in Korean medicine's anatomical awareness through reviewing the locations and the interrelationship between back acupoints, live, and spleen as revealed in Suwen Xueqixingzhipian. Methods : The locations of the back acupoints described in the Suwen Xueqixingzhipian were compared with the information found in Neijing annotations, Lingsu, and other books on acupuncture, and the location of liver and spleen were compared with the figures of internal organs found in pre-Northern Song Period texts and with Neijing's other chapters. Results : According to Taisu, the acupoint UB18 and UB20 as described in the back acupoints of Suwen Xueqixingzhipian are located left side and right side of human body respectively, and this knowledge derives from an accurate anatomical awareness of the locations of liver and spleen. Although such anatomical awareness found in Taisu, which was published in the Sui Dynasty, was unable to influence the 10th century Oh Dynasty's Yanluozi Neijingtu, it was gradually revised in Northern Song Period's Qixifan Wuzangtu and Cunzhentu through autopsies. However, the Theory of Five Elements which described as seen in the other chapters in Neijing or Tang Dynasty Wang Bing's annotation that liver is located at the left side of human body and spleen at the center exerted an immense influence over the subsequent generations' future doctors. Even though Taisu disappeared in Korea and China at the end of Southern Song period, the accurate anatomical knowledge with regards to the locations of viscera and entrails were passed down through medical texts such as Ming Dynasty's Yixuerumen. Conclusions : Suwen Xueqixingzhipian's awareness on the anatomical locations of liver and spleen only continued until the end of Southern Song period through Taisu. Because of this, it's anatomical awareness did not have a chance to gain much following like the Theory of Five Elements' point of view that were introduced in Wang Bing's annotations.

• Journal of Astronomy and Space Sciences
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• v.26 no.2
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• pp.237-266
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• 2009

In 1631 A.D. Jeong Duwon, an ambassador of the Joseon dynasty was sent to the Ming dynasty. There he met $Jo\tilde{a}o$ Rodrigues, a Jesuit missionary, in Dengzhou of Shandong peninsula. The missionary gave the ambassador a number of results of latest European innovations. A detailed description on this event was written in 'Jeong's official report regarding a message from an European country'(西洋國奇別狀啓), which is an important literature work to understand the event. Since the document was written in classical Chinese, we make a comprehensive translation to Korean with detailed notes. According to the report, the items that Rodrigues presented include four books written in Chinese that describe European discoveries about the world, a report on the tribute of new cannons manufactured by Portuguese in Macao, a telescope, a flintlock, a Foliot-type mechanical clock, a world atlas drawn by Matteo Ricci, an astronomical planisphere, and a sun-dial. We discuss the meaning of each item in the Korean history of science and technology. In particular, Jeong's introduction is an important event in the history of Korean astronomy, because the telescope he brought was the first one to be introduced in Korean history. Even though king Injo and his associates of the Joseon dynasty were well aware of the value as military armaments of new technologies such as telescopes, cannons, and flintlocks, they were not able to quickly adopt such technologies to defend against the military threat of Jurchen. We revisit the reason in view of the general history of science and technology of east-Asian countries in the 17th century.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.48 no.1
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• pp.4-23
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• 2015

In the Buddhist paintings of the four devas, there is a change in the paper material of V aisravana(多聞天) in the early Joseon Dynasty. Until Goryeo Dynasty, Damuncheonwang, who holds a tower(塔) on the right side of Buddha was changed to the form which holds a mandolin(琵琶) in the early Joseon Dynasty. This change was first checked in Byeonsangdo in the Yuan period "The Avatamska Sutra(大方廣佛華嚴經, 1330~1336)", however the actual paper material change in the Buddhist painting is found first as a mural at the Tibetan temples, Cheolbangsa(哲蚌寺), Odunsa(吳屯寺), Baekgeosa(白居寺), which showed the change of tower which Vaisravaṇa held into mongoose. In Joseon Dynasty, also, new distribution of the four devas appeared first, which showed the change of paper material in the first floor roof-stones of Wongaksaji sipcheung seoktap, . However, the position of the four devas which held a tower and a mandolin consistently appear in the Buddhist paintings in the early Joseon Dynasty by mixing on the left and the right. This means the possibility that the paper material and the position of the four devas might be flexible in the early Joseon Dynasty. Just like reflecting this, painting image of the four devas in illustration of "saddharma-pundari-ka-$s{\bar{u}}tra$(Ming 1432, National Museum of Korea)" and illustration of "Jebulsejonyeorae-bosaljonjamyeongching-gagok(제불세존여래 보살존자명칭가곡, 1417)" has opposite position from each other. Therefore, the phenomenon in the Buddhist paintings of the early Joseon had a transitional characteristic which did not secure the fixed form of painting image by illustration of two copies where paper materials of the four devas were different, which characteristic can be said to be the characteristic of art in the transitional period.

• Journal of Korean Library and Information Science Society
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• v.5
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• pp.67-89
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• 1978

This study is the third partial study of the 'A Bibliographical Study of the Toegye.' The contents of the study is divided into three chapters as following : In the first chapter, the authorship of Hsin-ching-fu-chu(心經附註) is described Hsin-ching(心經) was edited by Chen-Te-Hsiu(眞德秀), a scholar of the Sung Dynasty (1178-1235A.D.). He selected several articles on Hsin Study(心學) from classics of ancient China, with the view of spreading of Hsin thought of ancestor. Hsin-ching-fu-chu is an annotated work of Hsin-ching, which was edited by $Ch'\^{e}ng-Min-Ch\^{e}ng$(程敏政). $Ch'\^{e}ng-Min-Ch\^{e}ng$ was a scholar of the Ming Dynasty (died 1499 A.D). His annotation of Hsin-ching was according to the edition of Tuan-Ping (端平) 1st (1234 A.D.). Hsin-ching-fu-chu which was first published in 1492 A.D., by his student, named Wang-Tsu(汪祚). In the second chapter, the editions of Hsin-ching-fu-chu which was published in Korea before 1566 A.D., when Toe-gye's postscript was written, are described. In Korea, three editions were published. The first was published before 1523 A.D. in, kwang-ju(光州), by the wooden plate block. The second was published ca 1564 A.D. in Pyeong-yang(平壤), by the wooden plate, too. These two editions have remained. The last was published ca 1564 A.D., in Hae-ju(海州), but the method of printing couldn't be found out because I have not been able to get the book itself and records on the printing. In the last chapter, facts on Hsin-ching-fu-chu related to Toegye are described. Toegye found Kwang-ju edition of Hsin-ching-fu-chu in 1533 A.D., at Seong-gyun-gwan(成均館) in Seoul. He acquired the book from his friend. He read and studied very hard and remembered all the text. Also, he taught the Hsin-ching-fu-chu to his pupils and guided the reading of Hsin-ching-fu-chu to his followers and student. He read many proof sheets of the new publication of Hsin-ching-fy-chu, correcting then on detail and making notes on them.