• Journal of Preventive Medicine and Public Health
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• v.30 no.2 s.57
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• pp.356-368
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• 1997

In effort to determine whether aircraft noise can have health effects such as hearing loss, hypertension and psychological stress, a total of 111 male professors and administrative officers working a college near a military airport in Korea(exposed group) and a total of 168 males and 112 females matched by age groups(control groups) were analyzed. Personal noise exposure and indoor and outdoor sound level of jet aircraft noise were measured at the exposed are3. And pure tone, air conduction test and measurement of blood pressure were given to the exposed(males) and matched control groups (males and females). BEPSI(Brief Encounter Psychological Instrument) and psychological response to aircraft noise were examined for the exposed group. The noise dosimetry results revealed time-weighted averages(TWAs) that ranged from 61 to 68 dBA. However the levels encountered during taking off jet airplanes reached 126 dBA for two half minutes time period. Th, audiometric, test showed that mean values of HTL(hearing threshold level) in exposed group at every frequency(500, 1,000, 2,000, 4,000, and 8,000 Hz were much lower than them of male and female control groups. And in old age groups, interaction of age and noise was observed at 8,000 Hz in both ears(p<0.05). Conclusively, aircraft noise does not appear to induce hearing loss directly in high frequency, but may decreased hearing threshold level by interaction of aging process and noise exposure. However, difference of mean values of exposed and control groups on blood pressure was not significantly. In psychological test, annoyance was the most severe psychological response to noise in exposed group, but mean value of BEPSI was not correlated with job duration in exposed group.

• Journal of Internet Computing and Services
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• v.23 no.5
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• pp.87-101
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• 2022

Cyber-attacks occur in the blink of an eye in cyberspace, and the damage is increasing all over the world. Therefore, it is necessary to develop a cyber common operational picture that can grasp the various assets belonging to the 3rd layer of cyberspace from various perspectives. By applying the method for grasping battlefield information used by the military, it is possible to achieve optimal cyberspace situational awareness. Therefore, in this study, the visualization screens necessary for the cyber common operational picture are identified and the criteria (response speed, user interface, object symbol, object size) are investigated. After that, the framework is designed by applying the identified and investigated items, and the visualization screens are implemented accordingly. Finally, among the criteria investigated by the visualization screen, an experiment is conducted on the response speed that cannot be recognized by a photograph. As a result, all the implemented visualization screens met the standard for response speed. Such research helps commanders and security officers to build a cyber common operational picture to prepare for cyber-attacks.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.44 no.3
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• pp.371-393
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• 2013

The objective of this article is to compare the characteristics and the origin of Welfare State in Korea and France. This study also finds out the causes of underdevelopment of Welfare State in Korea. In the third Republic of France, the first Industrial Accident Compensation Law was legislated in 1898. The discussion of the project of Law commenced in 1880. The Parliamentary Debate on the legislation of the Law had continued for 18 years. The leaders of the debate was the group of progressive Republicans(Radicals) in the French Parliament. In Korea, it was also in the period of the third Repulic, the President and several members of the Supreme Committee of National Reconstruction (Guk-Ga-Jai-Gun-Choi-Go-Ho-Eui), the authoritative military government who enacted and developed the Social Insurance Law of Industrial Accident Compensation, the first Law of Welfare State in Korea. However, Korea and France show more differences than similarities in the terms of the origin of the Welfare State. The motivations and goals of social policies of the two countries were quite different at the beginning stage. In France, the progressive Republicans of Parliament made welfare state policies in order to maintain the politico-social hegemony and social peace by provision of economic supports to workers. In Korea, the group of military officers had begun the welfare legislation in order to win the general election and obtain political power in 1963. Comparison on the origins of the welfare states in the two countries shows similarities as well as differences in terms of the role of actors. In France, the state and the owners of big enterprises had agreed and played positive roles in the legislation of the welfare state policies. However, the owners of small companies, merchants and farmers had played negative roles. Like the French case, Korean government and owners of big enterprises had played positive roles. The state as a major actor of the legislation of the social insurance programs in the two countries are slightly different. In Korea, the owners of small companies had played negative roles in making of medical insurance programs in 1976. Comparison of the current state of two welfare states shows substantial differences in terms of the development of the welfare state. What is the reason for such differences? Why does Korean Welfare State underdevelop? Historically, the developmentalism as an major ideology of the third Republic of Korea has continually influenced the underdevelopment of the Welfare State. It implies that Koreans have to invent a new ideology of Welfare State which can replace the developmentalism and support the development of Welfare State in the future. Without such a new ideology, it is very difficult to develop an european style welfare state in Korea.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.3
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• pp.16-31
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• 2013

This study addresses how the main group of community ritual changed as the regional community changed during the period of Japan's colonial rule of Korea with emphasis on Gwanseongmyo in Jangchung-dong, Seoul. First, almost every regional community was changed because of city planning which was carried out by Japan in Korea for colonial exploitation and for the use of military bases. Mapo-dong and Seobinggo-dong were the appropriate examples. The city planning projects by the Japanese colonial government selected Jangchung-dong as the place of settlement of many Japanese people. The stream, Cheonggyecheon, made a border between the Korean and Japanese settlements and the traditional system of regional community in Jangchung-dong was changed and reorganized considerably. Second, the Japanese government used the rituals of regional community purposefully to combine them with the ceremony in the Japanese shrine. Those who supported Japan performed the regional rituals and tried to follow the policy of 'Rule of Culture' required by the Japanese colonial government. However, most regional rituals continued as they were before Japan's colonial rule of Korea without any change. Under this new trend the ritual of Gwanseongmyo was changed from the ritual for worshipping Guan Yu to that of the regional community. Last, the main groups that led the rituals of regional community were diversified during the period of Japan's colonial rule of Korea. In other words, the rituals of community used to be led by the families that lived in the region for generations before Japan's colonial rule of Korea. However, they were later led by various groups that emerged as a result of the colonial rule, urbanization, commercial development, regional differentiation, and so on. As an example,Yeongsinsa of Gwanseongmyo,which was the main group to lead the ritual of Gwanseongmyo, shows that the regional community rituals were extended to worshipping Guan Yu. The members of the main group to lead the ritual were pro-Japanese senior officials who were formerly military officers. This shows that the main groups leading the regional community rituals were further diversified.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.33 no.4
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• pp.10-25
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• 2015

The purpose of this research is to investigate the reality behind Jeongjo's enjoyment of the palace garden. If I were to summarize the results of this research, they are as follows: First, The 'Sanghwajoeoyeon(賞花釣魚宴)' has the differentiation which decided and regularized the rules and the regulations with the annual meetings for the Kyujanggak(奎章閣). Jeongjo had held the events five times. Second, The 'Seshimdae(洗心臺) Excursion' is based on the tragic personal history of Jeongjo. There were four events. Third, Jeongjo had enjoyed the 'viewing of the waterfall(觀瀑)' of the Okryucheon(玉流川) where a lot of the water overflows right after it rains. This is worth the special mention with regard to the point that it is a temporary landscape and not an usual landscape. Fourth, As an event for the military officers, the 'Seoljungryonghohwe(雪中龍虎會)' was held seven times. This event had been held in the middle of the winter. And each of the attendees skewered a pheasant and roasted and ate it. Also, it emphasized the sovereign and the subjects being the partners of the joys and the sorrows by giving the alcoholic drinks and the music. Fifth, Jeongjo had consoled the hard work by the civilian subjects either by holding the brazier feast(煖爐會) in the winter or by granting the alcoholic drinks and the foods according to the historical facts of the brazier feasts. Sixth, Jeongjo was good at archery and enjoyed it. During the period of his reign, Jeongjo held twice Yeonsarye(燕射禮). Seventh, Jeongjo soothed his desire to get out of the busy everyday life at the royal palace garden. While appreciating the natural landscape of the backyard, he was awakened of the meaning of the Book of Changes(周易) in which all the things had been created and changed. Eighth, At the royal palace garden, Jeongjo actively prepared the place for enjoyment by the sovereign and the subjects together. It is judged that this is because, in order to materialize his political ideals, the support by all the subjects who had been close was needed. The limitation of this research is the fact that the research had been proceeded with limited to the translations, among the many old writings related to Jeongjo. With the accumulation of the excavations of the new thoughts and of the results of the translations, the researches that are deeper will be needed.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.29
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• pp.193-222
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• 2011

Our country successfully hosted the G20 summit in Seoul in November, 2010. Afterwards, however, the Yeonpyungdo shelling incident took place by the North, and the North Korean nuclear issue have strained interKorean relations. Our country is going to host the nuclear security summit, which is of great significance at this point of time. The nuclear security summit is to be attended by 47 countries. The participant countries of this summit is larger in number than those of the ASEM, APEC and the G20 summit that our country has ever hosted. That is a large-scale international conference that invites the UN, the IAEA and the EU, which are three major nuclear-related international organizations. A successful hosting of the nuclear security summit will serve as an opportunity to boost our country's national prestige, and is likely be beneficial to the settlement of the North Korean nuclear issue. Like other international submits in foreign countries, however, violent anti-globalization demonstrations are expected to occur when the nuclear security summit is held in April next year. The purpose of this study was to make a case analysis of demonstrations during multilateral international conferences hosted by foreign countries over ten years between 1999 and 2009, to examine the controversial points over the demonstrations, and ultimately to seek ways of ensuring safety against possible assemblies and demonstrations during the forthcoming nuclear security summit, which is scheduled to be held in April next year. The findings of the study on feasible security measures are as follows: First, information and intelligence gathering should be reinforced, and the inspection should be stepped up. Second, pacification among domestic NGOs and the supplementation of the existing legal devices are required. Third, publicity should be strengthened. Fourth, riot police officers should be selected as early as possible to bolster their education and training, and more reinforced emergency measures should be taken. It's needed to seek assistance from the military as one of emergency measures, and national defense readiness should be bolstered across the nation in collaboration with the Ministry of National Defense when the summit is near at hand. Finally, CBR countermeasures should be taken in preparation for CBR terrorism.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.48 no.2
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• pp.120-141
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• 2015

This paper is a preliminary study of architectural characteristics of Jangdae (general's podium), which shows one of the technical changes in fortification of Joseon Dynasty. As a facility for commands of generals and training for officers and men, it was located inside a fortress. Although it is not certain when the first Jangdae was built, the number of them dramatically increased around 18th century. Since the top priority function of the Jangdae was the prospect, it was installed at the hilly spot with open architecture. In addition, the open structure of Eupseong fortress towers on the riverside banks could simultaneously offer the functions as viewing around and Jangdae. Since Jangdae was also a place for military drills and reviews of soldiers, a wide podium was positioned at the front to muster the soldiers. This feature was standardized in the space organization of Jangdae in Joseon, and a mere podium was installed unless the topographic restrictions allows enough space. On the other hand, as a place for a commander, the hierarchy of the Jangdae was revealed through a variety of architectural characteristics. The hierarchy was assigned to the commander's space through the altitude difference, and diverse ornaments were added to show a sense of class. The floor plan of the Jangdae building can be largely categorized into rectangle and square, and the typical sizes of the former are $5{\times}4$ Kans (traditional measuring unit between two columns) and $3{\times}2$ Kans. Out of these two types, buildings of $5{\times}4$ Kans were found in flat land and eupseong fortresses with large space, and the relatively smaller ones of $3{\times}2$ Kans in mountain fortresses. All buildings of square floor plan had $3{\times}3$ Kans style, and the center Kan was twice wider than the side Kan to make the central space wide. It seems that the purpose was to secure the interior space of the upper story because the center Kan accounts for the floor area of the upper story. Some Jangdae's had internal story to form overhead space. The multi-roofed tower style with eaves attached to the upper and lower story is found exclusively in Jangdae. The buildings shows the Onkanmulim style which extends Naejinju (inner column) of the lower story to be the Byeonju (outer column) of the upper story, and the log-framed floor in the upper floor was structured by inserting the Changbang (connecting beam) between the Naejinju's and joining the log frames. In addition, the towers in eupseong fortresses had log-framed floor in the upper floor by setting up the high Nuhaju (column underneath a roof) and joining Cheongbang to the upper part of the column while it cannot be regarded as multi-roofed because only the upper part has a roof.