• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.16 no.3_1
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• pp.57-67
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• 2016

This article reviewed the status of military force on the DMZ(demilitarized zone) without any confidential problems after literature reviewing on a ceasefire agreement and these powerful military force is judged to be a very serious setback to peaceful reunification of the Korean Peninsula. Also it suggests the ways to reduce inter-korean military force based on the political and economic phenomenon to preparing for an era of reunification of the Korean Peninsula. The easing of tension on the inter-korean military force is an essential element in building infrastructure of peaceful reunification. From now on, both Seoul and Pyongyang might check inter-Korea exchange cooperation Project and reconcile their differences. Primarily, The troops of DMZ would be minimized by Modernization for Military confidence-building. Increasing North-South hotline as possible further, it could contributes to ease of tension in case of emergency. Political and economic plans should be presented that do not arise the military tension simultaneously with ensuring political and economic aspects in the North Korea's regime.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.147-156
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• 2019

The purpose of this study is provide appropriate arms control measures between South and North Koreas by comparing and analyzing the former proposals and agreements in the past and the current Moon Government's approach representing the 9.19 military agreement. For this, I established the most appropriate framework for analysis through comparing and analyzing the arms control theories. The policies of the past governments and of the current Moon Jae-in government are analyzed. The most highlighted characteristic was that the arms control policies were projected by not from the military confidence, but political confidence building measures or both concurrently. In conclusion, I suggested the strategies of projecting confidence building measures and arms control or disarmament in the process of projecting the peace settlement. Nonetheless, the most important point is that the policies of arms control and unification should be pushed ahead complementally.

• Strategy21
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• s.40
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• pp.162-189
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• 2016

This research deals with the PLAN's capabilities and its implication for regional security, and suggests some measures for maritime security cooperation among regional states. China has began to focus its national strategy more on 'rising as a new maritime power' since the 18th Party Convention in November 2012. Chinese new strategy aims at building a strong navy, contributing economic prosperity and national security, and thus elevating its prestige in international society. Most of all, building a strong navy is the foremost task at this time, and that is why the PLAN has the priority for military modernization. Chinese new maritime strategy could cause naval arms race in East Asia and aggravate maritime territorial disputes among concerned parties. It is the time for regional states to discuss some measures to build confidence, such as arms control of naval weapons, establishment of multilateral maritime security mechanism, and foundation of regional security regime, thus enhancing regional maritime cooperation.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.15 no.6_1
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• pp.79-92
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• 2015

It is required to expand area of inter-Korean economic cooperation, being limited to non-military field, to military field and then, to positively promote arms control in order to establish foundation for peaceful reunification in Korean peninsula. Reasons why arms control has not been promoted between South and North Korea in the meantime were such original factors as follows; (1) limit of confidence building between the South and the North, (2) functional limit of arms control itself, (3) institutional structural limit between the South and the North, (4) environmental limit at home and abroad. It is necessary to get out from existing frame and to seek a new paradigm in order to overcome above factors and to realize arms control between the South and the North. First, it is required to have prior political dialog at the South-North high-level talks in order to promote arms control and to exercise 'strategic flexibility' during negotiation and promotion process. For this, 'flexible reciprocity' has to be adopted in compliance with situation and conditions. Second, it is necessary to get out from existing principle of 'confidence building in advance and arms reduction later' but to seek the 'simultaneous driving principle of confidence building and arms reduction' as an eclectic approach. Namely, based on reasonable sufficiency, it is required to promote military confidence building and limited arms reduction in parallel, which is a lower level of arms control. Third, as an advisory body of Prime Minister's Office, it is necessary to install an organization exclusively responsible for arms control and to positively handle arms control issue from the standpoint of national policy strategy. If the South-North high-level talks take place, it is necessary to organize and operate 'South-North Joint Arms Control Promotion Board (tentative name)'. Fourth, it is required to exercise more active diplomatic competence in order to create national consensus on necessity of arms control for peaceful reunification and to form more favorable international environment. Especially, it is necessary to think about how to solve nuclear issue of North Korea together in collaboration with international society and how to maintain balance between ROK-US alliance and Sino-Korean cooperation relations.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.87-130
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• 2019

This paper aims to analyze the recent progress(current situation) and tasks of arms control in North and South Korea. To this end the paper is composed of 5 chapters titled instruction; recent progress(current situation) of arms control in South and North Korea; constraints and tasks of arms control on the Korean peninsula; and conclusion. One of the most important tasks for the establishment of a peace structure for the coexistence of the Korean people in the 21st century is the realization of military control in order to resolve the acute military confrontation situation and mutual threats. With the 2018 PyeongChang Winter Olympics, the North-South summit and the subsequent talks for peace and denuclearization on the Korean Peninsula, the North Korea-US summit, and subsequent talks are creating conditions for trust building and arms control between the two Koreas. The military trust between the two Koreas and operational arms control are being achieved through the declaration of the April 27 Panmunjom and the 'Military Agreement for the Implementation of the Panmunjom Declaration.' However, since there are constraints on the control of arms control, such as the persistence of hostility and distrust of the two Koreas, the defense treaty between the two Koreas and neighboring countries, the competition of neighboring countries and the complex interests of the Korean peninsula, Trust Building is important. We should resolve the issue of arms control between the two Koreas, taking into account the trend of international arms control over the internal and external dynamics of the Korean peninsula gradually and carefully, with a vision of long-term unification security.

• Strategy21
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• s.36
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• pp.94-120
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• 2015

The Asia-Pacific Region has emerged as a arena of geopolitical competition between the U.S. and China. The Obama administration of the U.S. had laid out the concept of rebalancing strategy toward the region, concentrating its 60 percent of Naval Forces to the region till 2020 and consolidating its network of allies and partners. Whereas Chinese leader Xi Jinping also put forward the concept of new type of major power relations concerning its relations with the U.S. and a concept of 'the Asian Community of Common Destiny' aiming at a more intensified mutual relation among countries in the region. In doing so, Asia-Pacific region gradually became the arena where mutual competition and cooperation between the U.S. and China has crossfired. As a close ally to the U.S. and a partner to Japan, South Korea should develop trilateral naval cooperation by holding joint naval drill with the aim of humanitarian support and disaster relief. At the same time, Seoul also should make efforts to proceed mutual confidence building with Beijing by deepening military-to-military cooperation. These policy options will be helpful to enhance Seoul's security posture in the region.

• Journal of the military operations research society of Korea
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.14-28
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• 1990

The objective of this study is to propose how to acquire through international cooperation the sensitive nuclear technology, so called reprocessing technology. In spite of the need to reuse spent fuel, the transfer of the sensitive technology has been tightly controlled by the nuclear advanced countries due to the fear of nuclear proliferation and, in fact, it would be impossible to secure it by the economic means. In this regard, as a means of acquiring the sensitive nuclear technology, this study proposes the following; 1) President's declaration concerning the peaceful uses of nuclear energy, 2) the establishment and maintenance of national basis through inter-ministerial cooperation, 3) as a confidence building measure, the efforts to strengthen our role in the international nuclear community, and 4) the establishment of the synthetic feedback system to efficiently coordinate. In line with those stated above, this study suggests that it be necessary to invest consistently for developing new technologies and cultivating human resources. Furthermore, this study proposes the necessity to resolve the problems lying ahead by the national consensus achieved through the discussions among the public concerning the sensitive nuclear technology.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.58 no.6
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• pp.12-23
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• 2008

This study reports the costume changes and the factors of the changes from stone status in joseon dynasty. It can be summarized as follows: First, the artisan for the statues is one of the most important factors for the costume changes. The artisans who were involved in building the King's tomb were also made the stone statues for scholars' tombs. This results in that the style of the King's tomb influenced the costumes of stone statues for scholars' tombs. Some craftsmen who were buddhist monks also influenced the introduction of buddhist arts. Second, the stone statues are classified into 3 types according to the dead's social position: the civil officer statues, the military official statues, and the servant statues are installed for the civil officer, the military officers, and others, respectively. This principle was applied well. However, the civil official statues are mainly installed in late joseon dynasty because the civil officers are socially preferred to the military officers in late joseon dynasty. Third, there are two types of civil officer statues; Gongbok type and jobok type. Civil officer statues of Gongbok type were mainly installed in early joseon dynasty and civil officer statues of jobok type were begun to be installed in the early 16th century. Civil officer statues of Gongbok type were fade out after the late 17th century. Fourth, there are three reasons why civil officer statues of jobok type were installed at the officers's tombs 270 years earlier than at the Kings' tombs: 1) Introduction of Daemyunghoejeon and its application, 2) an establishment of a system that requires to prepare jobok individually, and 3) self-confidence of scholars' class on political and cultural maturity.

• Strategy21
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• s.36
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• pp.33-58
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• 2015

In 1996, China, Japan and the ROK all became the party to the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). Since then, the UNCLOS has been a fundamental basis for the resolution and management of maritime disputes amongst them. However, there still remain acrimonious disputes in the region. Resources nationalism and the revival of geopolitics aggravates the disputes particularly on sovereignty over disputed islands, maritime delimitation and the legal nature of military activities in other States' Exclusive Economic Zones. Under the circumstances, why have the demands for the conclusion of a regional agreement been raised in this region? A desirable regional agreement regarding ocean affairs should be compatible with the rights and obligations under the UNCLOS, a universal norm regarding ocean affairs. This paper will propose a desirable regional agreement by adopting an incremental approach.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• v.12 no.2
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• pp.309-317
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• 2024

The conflict between Iran and Israel has been a major source of instability and security threats in the Middle East. This study analyzes the historical background and modern aspects of the Israel-Iran conflict, examining its root causes, nuclear issues, proxy wars, cyber warfare, economic sanctions, and the role of the United States. The research employs qualitative methods, including literature review and case analysis, using various sources such as academic papers, government reports, and media articles. The findings suggest that the conflict is deeply rooted in historical, religious, and political factors, and has escalated since the 1979 Iranian Revolution. The study highlights the need for dialogue, negotiation, and international mediation to resolve the conflict and maintain regional stability. The Israel-Iran conflict also provides valuable lessons for addressing the North Korean nuclear issue, emphasizing the importance of dialogue, international cooperation, and confidence-building measures.