• Title/Summary/Keyword: Military Security policy

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A Study on the Serious Game for the Military Training (군사훈련용 기능성 게임에 관한 연구)

  • Ha, Soo-Cheol
    • Journal of National Security and Military Science
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    • s.7
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    • pp.233-270
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    • 2009
  • Serious game played with a computer in accordance with specific rules, that uses entertainment to further government or corporate training, education, health, public policy, and strategic communication objectives. The main goal of a serious game is usually to train or educate users while giving them an enjoyable experience. Serous games are video games with serious purposes such as teaching or training and whose principal aim is education. The major characteristics of serious games involve pedagogy which are all of the activities that educate, train, or instruct the player. Other characteristics of serious games are that they use entertainment principles, creativity and technology to build games that carry out serious purposes. This study is to introduce a serious game for the military training and to describe the elements of game design for developing it.

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A Study on the Changing Functions of the PRC Marine Corps and Future Development (중국 해병대의 기능변화와 향후 발전전망 연구)

  • Lee, Pyo-Kyu;Lim, Gye-Hwan
    • Convergence Security Journal
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    • v.17 no.5
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    • pp.143-151
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    • 2017
  • The purpose of this study is to provide the future development of the PRC Marine Corps by analyzing the changing functions via its historical development. The PRCMC is an elite regular military forces and was established by the Central Military Commission(China) in 1953 in order to project the national military power toward the enemy's territory by overcoming maritime obstacles such as seas and lakes. The PRCMC is relatively smaller personnel strength compared with the whole size of the PRC military forces. Thus its functions were limited in the areas of amphibious and land operations, island and land defense against Taiwan before the PRC pursues expanding policy toward outside. However, in the 2000s, China pursues its policy for obtaining absolute national interest so that its functions are rapidly enlarged into defense of the forward naval bases, and those for evolving its power toward outside according to not only the island territorial dispute with Japan, but also Xi Jinping's active expanding policy what we call 'the one belt and one road'. So its personnel strength is slowly increased. If the increasement of the PRC Navy and Marine Corps would develop into the level of which they can contain the status and influence of the US military power in Asia-Pacific area, it is possible that the security environment of the North-east Asia including the Korean peninsula will be fluctuated. Consequently, the ROK also needs to reevaluate the functions and the size of the joint strength of the ROK Navy and Marine Corps considering the transition of the changing security environment.

The lesson From Korean War (한국전쟁의 교훈과 대비 -병력수(兵力數) 및 부대수(部隊數)를 중심으로-)

  • Yoon, Il-Young
    • Journal of National Security and Military Science
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    • s.8
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    • pp.49-168
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    • 2010
  • Just before the Korean War, the total number of the North Korean troops was 198,380, while that of the ROK(Republic of Korea) army troops 105,752. That is, the total number of the ROK army troops at that time was 53.3% of the total number of the North Korean army. As of December 2008, the total number of the North Korean troops is estimated to be 1,190,000, while that of the ROK troops is 655,000, so the ROK army maintains 55.04% of the total number of the North Korean troops. If the ROK army continues to reduce its troops according to [Military Reform Plan 2020], the total number of its troops will be 517,000 m 2020. If North Korea maintains the current status(l,190,000 troops), the number of the ROK troops will be 43.4% of the North Korean army. In terms of units, just before the Korean War, the number of the ROK army divisions and regiments was 80% and 44.8% of North Korean army. As of December 2008, North Korea maintains 86 divisions and 69 regiments. Compared to the North Korean army, the ROK army maintains 46 Divisions (53.4% of North Korean army) and 15 regiments (21.3% of North Korean army). If the ROK army continue to reduce the military units according to [Military Reform Plan 2020], the number of ROK army divisions will be 28(13 Active Division, 4 Mobilization Divisions and 11 Local Reserve Divisions), while that of the North Korean army will be 86 in 2020. In that case, the number of divisions of the ROK army will be 32.5% of North Korean army. During the Korean war, North Korea suddenly invaded the Republic of Korea and occupied its capital 3 days after the war began. At that time, the ROK army maintained 80% of army divisions, compared to the North Korean army. The lesson to be learned from this is that, if the ROK army is forced to disperse its divisions because of the simultaneous invasion of North Korea and attack of guerrillas in home front areas, the Republic of Korea can be in a serious military danger, even though it maintains 80% of military divisions of North Korea. If the ROK army promotes the plans in [Military Reform Plan 2020], the number of military units of the ROK army will be 32.5% of that of the North Korean army. This ratio is 2.4 times lower than that of the time when the Korean war began, and in this case, 90% of total military power should be placed in the DMZ area. If 90% of military power is placed in the DMZ area, few troops will be left for the defense of home front. In addition, if the ROK army continues to reduce the troops, it can allow North Korea to have asymmetrical superiority in military force and it will eventually exert negative influence on the stability and peace of the Korean peninsular. On the other hand, it should be reminded that, during the Korean War, the Republic of Korea was attacked by North Korea, though it kept 53.3% of troops, compared to North Korea. It should also be reminded that, as of 2008, the ROK army is defending its territory with the troops 55.04% of North Korea. Moreover, the national defense is assisted by 25,120 troops of the US Forces in Korea. In case the total number of the ROK troops falls below 43.4% of the North Korean army, it may cause social unrest about the national security and may lead North Korea's misjudgement. Besides, according to Lanchester strategy, the party with weaker military power (60% compared to the party with stronger military power) has the 4.1% of winning possibility. Therefore, if we consider the fact that the total number of the ROK army troops is 55.04% of that of the North Korean army, the winning possibility of the ROK army is not higher than 4.1%. If the total number of ROK troops is reduced to 43.4% of that of North Korea, the winning possibility will be lower and the military operations will be in critically difficult situation. [Military Reform Plan 2020] rums at the reduction of troops and units of the ground forces under the policy of 'select few'. However, the problem is that the financial support to achieve this goal is not secured. Therefore, the promotion of [Military Reform Plan 2020] may cause the weakening of military defence power in 2020. Some advanced countries such as Japan, UK, Germany, and France have promoted the policy of 'select few'. However, what is to be noted is that the national security situation of those countries is much different from that of Korea. With the collapse of the Soviet Unions and European communist countries, the military threat of those European advanced countries has almost disappeared. In addition, the threats those advanced countries are facing are not wars in national level, but terrorism in international level. To cope with the threats like terrorism, large scaled army trops would not be necessary. So those advanced European countries can promote the policy of 'select few'. In line with this, those European countries put their focuses on the development of military sections that deal with non-military operations and protection from unspecified enemies. That is, those countries are promoting the policy of 'select few', because they found that the policy is suitable for their national security environment. Moreover, since they are pursuing common interest under the European Union(EU) and they can form an allied force under NATO, it is natural that they are pursing the 'select few' policy. At present, NATO maintains the larger number of troops(2,446,000) than Russia(l,027,000) to prepare for the potential threat of Russia. The situation of japan is also much different from that of Korea. As a country composed of islands, its prime military focus is put on the maritime defense. Accordingly, the development of ground force is given secondary focus. The japanese government promotes the policy to develop technology-concentrated small size navy and air-forces, instead of maintaining large-scaled ground force. In addition, because of the 'Peace Constitution' that was enacted just after the end of World War II, japan cannot maintain troops more than 240,000. With the limited number of troops (240,000), japan has no choice but to promote the policy of 'select few'. However, the situation of Korea is much different from the situations of those countries. The Republic of Korea is facing the threat of the North Korean Army that aims at keeping a large-scale military force. In addition, the countries surrounding Korea are also super powers containing strong military forces. Therefore, to cope with the actual threat of present and unspecified threat of future, the importance of maintaining a carefully calculated large-scale military force cannot be denied. Furthermore, when considering the fact that Korea is in a peninsular, the Republic of Korea must take it into consideration the tradition of continental countries' to maintain large-scale military powers. Since the Korean War, the ROK army has developed the technology-force combined military system, maintaining proper number of troops and units and pursuing 'select few' policy at the same time. This has been promoted with the consideration of military situation in the Koran peninsular and the cooperation of ROK-US combined forces. This kind of unique military system that cannot be found in other countries can be said to be an insightful one for the preparation for the actual threat of North Korea and the conflicts between continental countries and maritime countries. In addition, this kind of technology-force combined military system has enabled us to keep peace in Korea. Therefore, it would be desirable to maintain this technology-force combined military system until the reunification of the Korean peninsular. Furthermore, it is to be pointed out that blindly following the 'select few' policy of advanced countries is not a good option, because it is ignoring the military strategic situation of the Korean peninsular. If the Republic of Korea pursues the reduction of troops and units radically without consideration of the threat of North Korea and surrounding countries, it could be a significant strategic mistake. In addition, the ROK army should keep an eye on the fact the European advanced countries and Japan that are not facing direct military threats are spending more defense expenditures than Korea. If the ROK army reduces military power without proper alternatives, it would exert a negative effect on the stable economic development of Korea and peaceful reunification of the Korean peninsular. Therefore, the desirable option would be to focus on the development of quality of forces, maintaining proper size and number of troops and units under the technology-force combined military system. The tableau above shows that the advanced countries like the UK, Germany, Italy, and Austria spend more defense expenditure per person than the Republic of Korea, although they do not face actual military threats, and that they keep achieving better economic progress than the countries that spend less defense expenditure. Therefore, it would be necessary to adopt the merits of the defense systems of those advanced countries. As we have examined, it would be desirable to maintain the current size and number of troops and units, to promote 'select few' policy with increased defense expenditure, and to strengthen the technology-force combined military system. On the basis of firm national security, the Republic of Korea can develop efficient policies for reunification and prosperity, and jump into the status of advanced countries. Therefore, the plans to reduce troops and units in [Military Reform Plan 2020] should be reexamined. If it is difficult for the ROK army to maintain its size of 655,000 troops because of low birth rate, the plans to establish the prompt mobilization force or to adopt drafting system should be considered for the maintenance of proper number of troops and units. From now on, the Republic of Korean government should develop plans to keep peace as well as to prepare unexpected changes in the Korean peninsular. For the achievement of these missions, some options can be considered. The first one is to maintain the same size of military troops and units as North Korea. The second one is to maintain the same level of military power as North Korea in terms of military force index. The third one is to maintain the same level of military power as North Korea, with the combination of the prompt mobilization force and the troops in active service under the system of technology-force combined military system. At present, it would be not possible for the ROK army to maintain such a large-size military force as North Korea (1,190,000 troops and 86 units). So it would be rational to maintain almost the same level of military force as North Korea with the combination of the troops on the active list and the prompt mobilization forces. In other words, with the combination of the troops in active service (60%) and the prompt mobilization force (40%), the ROK army should develop the strategies to harmonize technology and forces. The Korean government should also be prepared for the strategic flexibility of USFK, the possibility of American policy change about the location of foreign army, radical unexpected changes in North Korea, the emergence of potential threat, surrounding countries' demand for Korean force for the maintenance of regional stability, and demand for international cooperation against terrorism. For this, it is necessary to develop new approaches toward the proper number and size of troops and units. For instance, to prepare for radical unexpected political or military changes in North Korea, the Republic of Korea should have plans to protect a large number of refugees, to control arms and people, to maintain social security, and to keep orders in North Korea. From the experiences of other countries, it is estimated that 115,000 to 230,000 troops, plus ten thousands of police are required to stabilize the North Korean society, in the case radical unexpected military or political change happens in North Korea. In addition, if the Republic of Korea should perform the release of hostages, control of mass destruction weapons, and suppress the internal wars in North Korea, it should send 460,000 troops to North Korea. Moreover, if the Republic of Korea wants to stop the attack of North Korea and flow of refugees in DMZ area, at least 600,000 troops would be required. In sum, even if the ROK army maintains 600,000 troops, it may need additional 460,000 troops to prepare for unexpected radical changes in North Korea. For this, it is necessary to establish the prompt mobilization force whose size and number are almost the same as the troops in active service. In case the ROK army keeps 650,000 troops, the proper number of the prompt mobilization force would be 460,000 to 500,000.

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The Analysis of Crypto Communication Relay Effect in the Security Framework Technique of Network Centric Warfare Environment (NCW환경의 보안 프레임워크 기술에서 암호통신 중계영향 분석)

  • Hong, Jin-Keun
    • Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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    • v.8 no.4
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    • pp.788-794
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    • 2007
  • The policy of US DoD is moving towards implementation of Network Centric Warfare(NCW) concepts. NCW is commonly described as the integration and synchronization of four key interdependent elements such as command and control, sensor system, engagement systems and the network. Therefore the military policy of Korea military is needed to access and examine the policy of NCW communication environment and crypto communication, which is able to apply it. In this case study, We are reviewed the security framework of the concept of network centric warfare in the centering around the US. It is introduced the core technology in the network centric warfare, and it is reviewed the security framework such as, the requirements of security, the characteristics security of global information grid, joint tactical radion system, net centric enterprise services, transformational communication satellite, in the basis of core technology, and analysis the effect of crypto communication relay between command node and surbornate node in NCW environment. This report support the assistance, which is considered the elements of surrounding effects in the varied crypto communication research area of NCW.

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The Policy of China toward Asia (중국의 대 아시아 정책)

  • Kim, Sung Woo
    • Convergence Security Journal
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    • v.17 no.4
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    • pp.63-67
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    • 2017
  • With the rise of China, the power and hegemony is moving to China in East Asia. The foreign policy of the China government is directly or indirectly affecting Korea, neighboring countries and the world. China is advocating a new international policy, a new security system, silk road policy and a new paradigm. China is a newly emerging powerful nation in Asia, and it is clear that China has the economic power to reestablish the Asian order and take over the hegemony. In addition, we want to run the world supremacy with the United States in political, economic, military and diplomatic sectors. In order to overcome the crisis of the Korean peninsula, which is being triggered by North Korea's nuclear and missile development, we are in the position to do our best to cooperate with Korea, the United States and Japan and further improve relations with China. In this study, I analyzed the policy of Southeast Asia and China macroscopically.

PCA Ruling on SCS : Is it a Peaceful Solution or Cause of Military Tension? (남중국해 중재판결 : 군사적 분쟁 고조인가 국제법적 해결의 증진인가?)

  • Yang, Hee-Chuel
    • Strategy21
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    • s.40
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    • pp.144-161
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    • 2016
  • A unanimous Award has been issued on 12 July 2016 by the Arbitral Tribunal constituted under Annex VII to the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea in the arbitration instituted by the Republic of the Philippines against the People's Republic of China. The current security issues in the regional sea shall be carefully reflected to anticipate whether the Award could resolve the existing political conflict or rather will grow military tension in the region. The Award clearly directs the scope of delimiting maritime jurisdiction to coastal States in the Southern China sea, so it seems to help facilitating finding resolutions of regional disputes on maritime boundaries. On the other hand, there are several limitations in reality to implementation of the decisions included in the Award. USA could use the decisions to restrict military activities and exercise of unilateral maritime jurisdiction by China in the region, while China shall encounter guilt to illegitimacy of its activities as well as shaking the legal foundation of its policy in the region. Then the resolution of this dispute through application of international law would rather cause more political confusion. The intension of bringing the case to an international court were to resolve political difficulties. If, however, the political difficulties are not properly reflected in the legal decisions, such decision would possibly raise more political risks.

The North Korea's Foreign Policy Stance and Prospect (북한의 대외정책 기조와 전망)

  • Kim, Sung Woo
    • Convergence Security Journal
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    • v.14 no.6_1
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    • pp.57-63
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    • 2014
  • Even though the historical changes of the Cold War, they does not release the Cold War structure in Korean peninsula. And continues North Korea's provocations against South Korea. A factor of instability in Northeast Asia is the causing catastrophic inter-Korean relations and North Korea's Yeonpyeong shelling and provocation of the Cheonan battleship sinking by an explosion. These behaviors have been committed by among the North Korea military. North Korea's provocations made by a complex decision-making system in the United States and North Korea and South Korea. North Korea's aggressive military actions are conducted under the North Korean political system of strategies unification of the Korean peninsula. It has a duality of continuity and change, depending on the situation of a foreign policy in North Korea. If North Korea want maintain structure of their country, they should change the national policy and strategy, tactics and the military action type. North Korea should be a member of international community. As one of the country in the world, North Korea create economic power, nuclear tensions break, and participate in the international community for the peace.

The direction of application of the RMF-based risk management system considering interoperability (상호운용성을 고려한 RMF 기반의 위험관리체계 적용 방향)

  • Kwon, Hyuk-Jin;Kim, Sung-Tae;Joo, Ye-na
    • Journal of Internet Computing and Services
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    • v.22 no.6
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    • pp.83-89
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    • 2021
  • The RMF (Cyber Security Risk Management Framework) is a more strengthened U.S. defense cybersecurity framework that is currently used throughout the U.S. federal government beyond the defense sector. In the past decade, the proportion of cyber warfare in non-regular warfare encountered by the United States, especially cyberattacks caused by China and North Korea, has been increasing. In the end, the U.S. is newly establishing an RMF system to prepare a more strengthened cybersecurity policy at the pan-government level, and the U.S. Department of Defense aims to expand the U.S. defense RMF evaluation policy beyond the federal government level. The South Korean military has already applied RMF at the request of the U.S. that notified the policy to apply RMF when obtaining F-35A. The application of RMF by the Korean military is no longer inevitable. Now is the time for the Korean military to seriously think about what to prepare for the early establishment of a successful Korean RMF system.

Effect of Military Officer's Ethical Disposition and Perceived Work Environment on Organizational Security Policy Compliance (군장교의 윤리적 성향과 업무환경 지각이 조직의 보안정책준수에 미치는 영향)

  • Bora Kim;Kisoo Seong;Beomsoo Kim
    • Information Systems Review
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    • v.22 no.3
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    • pp.31-58
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    • 2020
  • Based on the social control theory, this study intends to find out the influential factors of organizational members' information security policy compliance (ISPC). Survey data from 195 military officers were analyzed to examine the effect of ethical disposition (morality, responsibility, the perceived value of ethical education) and perceived work environment (relationships with supervisors, overwork, and pay satisfaction) on ISPC attitude, ISPC intention, and turnover intention. The results of partial least squares structural equation modeling (PLS-SEM) show that ethical dispositions affect ISPC attitude and that work environments (except for pay satisfaction) affect turnover intention. In addition, ISPC attitude significantly mediates relations between ethical disposition and ISPC intention, between relationships with supervisors and ISPC intention, and between turnover intention and ISPC intention. These findings suggest that ethical disposition factors can predict an individual's security awareness level, and the ISPC attitude is a significant variable in the organizational security context.

Military Use of Satellite and Control of Civil Use (인공위성에 대한 군사적 활용 및 통제방안)

  • Kang, Han-Cheol
    • The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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    • v.20 no.2
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    • pp.159-234
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    • 2005
  • As so clearly have been demonstrated in the Gulf War and Iraq Freedom Fight, along with the civilian space exploration and development, the 'militarization' of aerospace technology and the 'battlefield-worthiness' of space are becoming more and more at issue. Korean peninsula, the last major theatre where the 4 world powers' national interests stand face to face, no doubt is in dire need for understanding and organizing necessary legislations for establishing national security from any space threats, such as satellite imaging, as well as countering against such threats. Compare to United States, Japan and China that have already declared the national security as the purpose of the space development, and equipped themselves with necessary legislations, Korea's legislations fall short of fully appreciating and effectively responding to the significance of military use of outer space and its control. This article will review legislations of leading countries' of space law and space technologies from two different perspectives. After briefly summarizing the problems of Korea's current legislations, particularly with the National Space Development Act (proposal), drafted by Ministry of Science and Technology, in mind, this article reviews and offers certain legislative directions to which Korea should pursuel for national security of outer space.

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