• The Journal of Dong Guk Oriental Medicine
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• v.10
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• pp.1-40
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• 2008

1.The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai(折衷派)' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金峨), Yoshida Koton(古田篁墩 $1745{\sim}1798$) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li'(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 $1739{\sim}1798$) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken(伊澤蘭軒) taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai(澀江抽齋), Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 $1749{\sim}1787$) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論") and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯). 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken(伊澤蘭軒) and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋詞"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue"("金匱要略"), "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Ritsi(森立之 $1807{\sim}1885$) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken(伊澤蘭軒) and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai(狩谷掖齋), a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"("神農本草經") and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"(枳園隨筆) that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"(說文解字) to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據), Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬, $1804{\sim}1876$) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai(安積艮齋), and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園), He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju"("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi"("金匱要略疏義") and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan"(老醫巵言) but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 $912{\sim}955$) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 $1755{\sim}1810$) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi"("傷寒論輯義") and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi"("金匱要略輯義") are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng"("醫勝") is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"(素問識), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan Ju Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"(難經疏證), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"(疾雅), "Ming Yi Gong An"(名醫公案), and "Yi Ji Kao"(醫籍考). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), Yuan Jian(元堅 $1795{\sim}1857$) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(禦匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素問紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"("傷寒廣要"), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("診腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(矢數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', the founding of Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

• Journal of agricultural medicine and community health
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.66-80
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• 1983

As a part of the epidemiological studies of clonorchiasis in Korea, this study was conducted to evaluate the current endemicity and the natural transition of the Clonorchis infection in Goyang Gun a low endemic area in recent years, prior to the introduction of praziquantel which will eventually influence to the status of the prevalence. The data obtained in this study in 1983 were evaluated for natural transition of the infection in comparison with those obtained 16 years ago in 1967 by the author (Kim, 1974). The areas of investigation, villages and schools surveyed, methods and techniques used in this study were the same as in 1967, except for the contents of the questionnaire for raw freshwater fish consumption by the local inhabitants. 1) The current prevalence rate of Clonorchis infection among the inhabitants was 7.5% on the average out of a total of 479 persons examined. The prevalence rate was 9.0% in the riverside area and 4.2% in the inland area. Among the schoolchildren, the prevalence rate was 1.1% out of a total of 1 319 examined. By area, it was 1.4% in the riverside area and 0.7% in the inland area. By sex, the prevalence rate was 13.3% in the male and 1.3% in the female in the inhabitants and no difference was seen in the schoolchildren. 2) In the natural transition of the infection, the prevalence rate in the inhabitants has decreased from 22.5% in 1967 to 7.5% in 1983, and in the schoolchildren, from 9.5% in 1967 to 1.1% in 1983. The reduction rate was higher in the riverside area than in the inland area. 3) In the prevalence rate by age, 1.2% was seen in the 10-14 age group and gradually increased to 8.1% in the 30-39 age group and reached peak 18.1% in the 40-49 age group. By sex, in the male, the prevalence rates have increased to 31.9% and 33.3% in the 40-49 and 50-59 age groups, respectively and decreased thereafter. In the female, the prevalence rate less than 5% was seen only in between the 10-14 and 30-39 age groups. 4) In the natural transition of the prevalence rate by age, sharp decrease was seen in the male from around 50% in 1967 between 15-19 and 30-39 age groups. The generation over 40s showed less decrease. In the female, the prevalence rate has decreased from 13% in 1967 to 5% in 1983 in the middle age groups and dropped to 0% in the rest of the age groups. 5) The intensity of the infection among clonorchiasis cases by mean EPmg (number of eggs per mg feces) value was 1.4. In the inhabitants, the value was 2.0 in the riverside area and 0.4 in the inland area. While in the schoolchildren, the value was 0.2 in both riverside and inland areas. 6) In the transition of the intensity of the infection, EPmg among the inhabitants has decreased from 3.9 in 1967 to 2.0 in 1983 in the riverside area, and from 2.9 to 0.4 in the inland area. In the schoolchildren, the reduction was similar in both riverside and inland areas resulting from 1.0-1.1 in 1967 to 0.2 in 1983. 7) In the intensity of the infection by age, EPmg 3.4 was peak at the 40-49 age group and 0.2-1.0 was seen in the rest of the age groups. The mean value was 1.5 in the male and 0.6 in the female. 8) In the natural transition of the intensity of the infection, the EPmg has decreased from 2.7 in 1967 to 1.4 in 1983. By age, reduction was seen in all of the age groups, particularly in the young and the old age groups of 50s and over, except in the 40-49 age group in which reverse phenomenon was seen. By sex, it has decreased from 3.5 in 1967 to 1.5 in 1983 in the male and from 1.0 to 0.6 in the female. 9) In the distribution of the clonorchiasis cases by the range of EPmg value, 70.3% of the cases were placed in the range of 0.1-0.9 as the most and 16.2% in 1.0-4.9 as the next. With such figures, those included in the range less than 0.9 as light infection were 78.4% and under 5.0-9.9 up to moderate infection 99.3% of the cases were covered. The cases were distributed up to 20.0-39.9 in the male and to 1.0-4.9 in the female. 10) In the transition of the distribution of the clonorchiasis cases by EPmg, the highest intensity reached up to 60.0-79.9 in 1967 and to 20.0-39.9 in 1983. In the range of light infection, under 0.1-0.9, the distribution in rate was 64.5% in 1967 and 78.4% in 1983. Up to the range of moderate infection, under 5.0-9.9, 91.7% in 1967 and 97.3% in 1983 were seen respectively. 11) In a survey for raw freshwater fish consumption among the local inhabitants,78.3 of the clonorchiasis cases interviewed admitted their experience of the raw consumption. However, those who practised in the past two years were 34.8% 55.6% of those who have such experience in the past professed that they did not practise raw freshwater fish consumption in the past two years. 12) The major cause of the reduction of the raw freshwater fish consumption among the inhabitants were the wide spread water pollution in the locality. The most common reason professed for stopping raw freshwater fish consumption among the inhabitants was the risk of the fluke infection. 13) In animal survey, 3.1% of dogs were found infected with Clonorchis, decreasing from 21.6% in 1967. 14) The distribution of the first intermediate host, Parafossarulus manchouricus has greatly diminished in this locality and found only in two localized ponds. No Clonorchis infection was found from the snails examined. 15) The second intermediate freshwater fish host has been further limited by extended water pollution. No susceptible fish host could be examined. 16) In conclusion, the endemicity of Clonorchis infection in Croyang Gun, low endemic area, has significantly decreased during the past 16 years. The major cause of the regressive transition of the infection was the water pollution of the freshwater system of this locality. This has upset the ecosystems of the intermediate host of Clonorchis sinensis in many areas of waterbodies and further discouraged to a significant extent the local inhabitants from raw freshwater fish consumption.

• Journal of Nutrition and Health
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• v.48 no.6
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• pp.558-570
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• 2015

Purpose: The objective of this study is to investigate the work performances and the factors contributing to the work performance of nutrition teachers and school dieticians according to employment status in Daejeon and Chungcheongnamdo. Methods: A survey was conducted among 415 school dieticians from selected elementary, middle, and high schools in the area. This survey was used for analysis of the general characteristics and the status of working and foodservice environments. The frequency of occurrence was measured using the ${\chi}^2$-test while analysis of differences in work performance of 57 variables grouped according to 12 categories by mean ${\pm}$ SD was performed using student t-test. In addition, a regression analysis was performed to assess the influence of occupational (working and foodservice) environment on work performances. Results: All 14 environmental factors including general characteristics were different between nutrition teachers and school dieticians. In 12 of 57 variables there were significant differences in work performance between the two groups. When compared using average work performance, 5 domains showed significant difference in work performance between the two groups. These 5 domains were other works (T = 6.050), dietary habit guide (T = 4.789), menu (nutrition) management (T = 3.524), foodservice administration and evaluation (T = 2.757), and production and service management (T = 2.588). Overall, the work performances of nutrition teachers were comparably higher than those of school dietitians. A correlation analysis between occupational (working or foodservice) environments and work performances of the two groups showed that the work performances of nutrition teachers were influenced by the number of employees, number of students, meal frequency a day, annual salary, age, foodservice years of school, and school type. Conclusion: Meanwhile, the work performances of school dieticians were influenced by the number of students, number of employees, meal frequency a day, work hour, education level, age, school type, and service years as a dietitian.

• Pediatric Infection and Vaccine
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.128-135
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• 1998

Purpose : This study was intended to measure seropositivities and the level of mumps- and rubella-specific IgG of MMR vaccinees from 12 to 17 years of age in Korea. Materials and Methods : From May 1996 to July 1996 we obtained sera from students of 1 middle and 2 high schools in Seoul, who were MMR vaccinees from 12 to 17 years of age and had no evidence of immunodeficiency. These 216 study population include 110 males and 106 females. Mumps- and rubella-specific IgG antibody levels were measured by ELISA. Cut-off values for seropositivity were 20 U(Gamma Unit) in mumps and over 0.17 in rubella. Results : 1) As age increased, seropositivities to mumps increased, being 68.4% in 12 year, 79.3% in 13 year, 72.2% in 14 year, 82.0% in 15 year, 87.5% in 16 year, 87.0% in 17 year, which however has no statistical significance. 2) As age increased, the level of mumps-specific IgG antibody(mean+standard deviation, GU) increased, being $52.0{\pm}49.2$ in 12 year, $65.9{\pm}51.4$ in 13 year, $71.1{\pm}66.0$ in 14 year, $67.8{\pm}53.6$ in 15 year, $82.8{\pm}67.8$ in 16 year, $92.0{\pm}68.9$ in 17 year, which however has no statistical significance. 3) As age increased, seropositivities of rubella-specific IgG increased significantly, being 26.3% in 12 year, 20.7% in 13 year, 50.0% in 14 year, 67.2% in 15 year, 66.7% in 16 year, 65.2% in 17 year(P<0.001). 4) As age increased, rubella-specific IgG increased significantly, being $0.13{\pm}0.145$ in 12 year, $0.087{\pm}0.101$ in 13 year, $0.194{\pm}0.168$ in 14 year, $0.260{\pm}0.187$ in 15 year, $0.305{\pm}0.213$ in 16 year, $0.325{\pm}0.221$ in 17 year(P<0.001). There was positive correlation between age and rubella-specific IgG titer(rubella-specific $IgG=0.0517{\times}age-0.5586$, r=0.3752, P<0.001). Conclusion : In adolescent, seropositivities and the level of mumps-specific IgG remained relatively high, but approximately 20% of study population showed seronegativity. Seropositivities and the level of rubella-specific IgG showed the lowest level at 13 years of age and were increased with age after 14 years of age. Further evaluation may be needed to elucidate the cause of these changes of rubella-specific IgG.