• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.17
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• pp.112-144
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• 2001

This study attempts to analyze how and why Chosun Ilbo and Hankyoreh Shinmun produce particular social discourses about the media reform in different ways. In doing so, this paper attempts to disclose the ideological nature of media reform discourses in social contexts. For the purpose, a content analysis method was applied to the analysis of straight news, while an interpretive discourse analysis was appled to analyze both editorials and columns in newspapers. As a theoretical framework, an articulation theory was applied to explain the relationships among social forces, ideological elements, discourse practices and subjects to produce the media reform discourses. In doing so, I attempted to understand the overall conjuncture of the media reform aspects in social contexts. The period for the analysis was limited from January 10th to August 10th this year. Newspaper articles related to the media reform were obtained from the database of newspaper articles, "KINDS," produced by Korean Press Foundation, in searching the key word, "media reform". Total articles to be analyzed were 765, 429 from Hankyoreh Sinmun and 236 from Chosun Ilbo. The research results, first of all, empirically show that both Chosun Ilbo and Hankure Synmun used straight news for their firms' interests and value judgement, in selecting and excluding events related to media reform or in exaggerating and reducing the meanings of the events, although there are differences in a greater or less degree between two newspaper companies. Accordingly, this paper argues that the monopoly of newspaper subscriber by three major newspapers in Korean society could result in the forming of one-sided social consensus about various social issues through the distorting and unequal reporting by them. Second, this paper's discourse analysis related to the media reform indicates that the discourse of ideology confrontation between the right and the left produced by Chosen Ilbo functioned as a mechanism to realize law enforcement of the right in articulating the request of media reform and the anti-communist ideology. It resulted in the discursive effect of suppressing the request of media reform by civic groups and scholars and made many people to consider the media reform as a ideological matter in Korean society.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.16 no.9
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• pp.411-422
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• 2016

The Media Law including Newspaper Law, Broadcasting Law and Internet Multimedia Law has been reformed in 2009. The main purpose of the reform was to allow media firms to gain a global competitive edge by opening doors to more investments that were nonexistent due to regulatory barriers. Also it aimed to contribute to an increase of employment in the media industry. This paper analyzes the impact that the Media Law reform of 2009 had on many media/contents company's future value by tracking abnormal returns gained during the period of the reform. The analysis with the capital market data of fifteen firms over a one-year period provided evidence that the new law has had an effect on the related firms' future value; however, the impact was shown to not be as significant in the long-term. This study has the significance in that it showed that the impact of the reform was not overall to the industry but given to the limited number of media company and confirmed the relatively strong effect of the unexpected events.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.7-11
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• 2003

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.16
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• pp.168-206
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• 2001

This study attempts to examine the relationships between the major market-based media and the government after closing military regime era, 1961-1987. After the military regime was collapsed, while the mass media in Korea obtained independence and autonomy from government, they have been confronted with the terrible competition not so much comparatively as before. The watchdog role in the traditional liberalism, which is regarded as normative relationship between the media and the government would be transformed in accordance with the market condition and the maturity of democracy. Thus, the watchdog metaphor has been variously deviated in rower-centered society; lap dog, guard dog, attack dog. liberalists argue that the primary democratic role of the media is to art as a public watchdog overseeing the state. Social democrats, however, criticize them as simplistic conception which could be only applied to the government. They argue that the media should be seen as a source of redress against the abuse of all forms of power over others; the home, the economy, and the civil society. The lap dog view is that the media is overwhelmingly dependent on the established power structure contrary to the watchdog. While the guard dog perspective is a means to preserve the power structure alarming with playing 'conflict role', the attack do8 aims to the private interest of the media in intruding into the politics. The attack dog perspective by T. Patterson could be composed of the interpretive style of report, the game schema report over the policy schema in the election, and the negativism against politics and government. The market-dominant press has been likely to transform from lap-guard dog into attack-guard dog. In Roh Tae Woo government(1988-1992), while the press was a lessened lap-guard dog before three parties merger in 1990, after merger the press had been transformed as the reinforced lap-guard dog because this merger entailed joint, party-to-party negotiations, and the formation of the new party preceded by dissolution of the ruling blot. In the early stage of Kim Young Sam government(1993-1997), the press has kept in pace with the reform movement drive-forced by the government. However, the press withdrew the support of Kim's reform in reaching the level of threat to ruling bloc. The press coalesced only circumstantially with government and was interested in preserving some margin of independence. The failure of Kim's reform proved the political muscle of the press in post-autho-ritarianism. In the middle stage of Kim Dae Jung government (1998-) that resulted in the shift of power structure as once-opposition party leader, the stress has been a manifested attack-guard dog owing to the anti-cold war policy, the realignment policy of power, and the minority-base of Kim's government. The press has endeavored to hold political communication within limits relatively less threatening to the established order.

• International Journal of Contents
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• v.6 no.4
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• pp.43-48
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• 2010

Because of the social and political reasons, Chinese design higher education has come a long and difficult road. Before and after the Reform and Opening-up, Chinese design higher education system has gone through two different models: "Arts and Crafts" and "Arts & Design". By comparing external environment and Education Concept of two models, this paper points out that the correct direction of design higher education reform is to understand and learn the advantages of two education systems.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.81
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• pp.122-152
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• 2017

The media movement is a movement to separate from the political power and to dismantle the media power and to seek the control of citizens' media. Political power is the biggest factor that violates the fairness and independence of the media in the public domain. On the other hand, the factor that interferes with the healthy and responsible media of the press in the private sector is the media power originating from the owner. Citizens 'media campaign emphasizes citizens' mobility as a subject that monitors the political power and media power that have the sovereignty of the media belonging to the citizen and may infringe on this sovereignty.In the Lee Myung Bak - Park Geun Hye regime, the civil press movement was a period of resistance and struggle. Citizen media campaigns have completely collapsed with governance. As a result, the intellectuals who have expertise in the media have lost their place in the discussion and presentation of the policy alternatives in which the policy production is centered. The influence of citizen media organizations, which are centered on activists rather than citizen's direct action, is limited. In order to strengthen the power of the media reform, it is necessary to reconstruct social forces such as civil society, media unions, media organizations and political forces. We should also look for various ways in which citizens can participate actively in the agenda and activities of the movement. In addition, it is necessary to expand the movement of the media.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.26
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• pp.297-319
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• 2012

We all know how beautiful our wild and it's importance to our living planet Earth. But did you realise the speed at which man himself is damaging it's unique natural habitat. We are well on our way to destroy our forests, plants, wetlands. We are polluting our oceans and seas. This way, we're driving numerous animal species, plant species and many others into extinction. Everyone should be aware of the importance of our natural environment. We live in the period of echocide. Why we need nature to survive and how we can deal with the environmental problems we face. This paper has the purpose to reform city's environment. Because, Metropolis and megalopolis are the principal cause of environmental disruption. To reform the city is needed to consider digital technology in our age. In the face of economic and cultural globalization, many have argued that we live an increasingly placeless world. However, as a growing number of cities participate and compete in key marketplaces of advanced capitalism, the spectacle of the city is more than ever a significant medium of communication in its own right. In doing so, this work is focused specifically on the dimension of city's media environment. To that end, the paper examined U-City and U-Eco city. In this study, we will introduce the study on model of U-Eco City as one way for the eco-freindly future city.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Library and Information Science
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• v.38 no.2
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• pp.213-238
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• 2004

Book review Is a mean that provides Qualitative evaluation and at the same time it plays a role as selection tools for libraries. Therefore, this study Identified various media providing reviews on children's books, evaluated whether the reviews in the media were useful as selection tools of current books, and a desirable model for the book review media that would reform the existing problems was suggested. The efforts to make up for the above suggestions are needed, so that the current children's book review media can properly play a role as selection tools. Above all, at this point in time, it is necessary to publish review media made in the view of libraries and librarians.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.82
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• pp.29-72
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• 2017

This study explores the ways that newspapers report the administrations' policies of 'university reform' from February 2008 to December 2015 through critical discourse analysis. As results, Donga-ilbo and Chosun-ilbo produce the discourse that the crisis of universities is so real and dangerous that it brings about the crisis of our nation, and that the current university systems should be changed into neoliberal systems because it is the critical reason of the crisis. Using various discursive strategies, they construct their reports as objective, real and embodying general goods and then successfully build the neoliberal discourse on university reform as commonsensical and natural. They finally acquire the discursive hegemony for university reform. Kyunghyang-shinmun and Hankyoreh-shinmun produce the anti-discourse against that of Donga-ilbo and Chosun-ilbo. However, they can not develop substantial hegemony struggles for the discourse of university reform because of the limitations of their discourse in terms of quantity and quality and the social and press structures overwhelmingly inclined for neo-liberalism.

• Journal of Korean Library and Information Science Society
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• v.37 no.4
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• pp.67-90
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• 2006

This paper investigats the state of the art of the school library media specialist(SLMS)'s certification in the United States. The content includes development of the SLMS certification, certification requirements, titles, preparatory education programs especially accredited by ALA and NCATE, personnel standards and regulations of states. The basic certification requirements are teacher certification and/or MLIS(MLS), but varying from state to state. Personnel standards are regulated by the Education Department of states, otherwise regional associations of colleges and schools. Nineteen states have the standards and three regional associations among six have very specified ones. The paper also analyzes NBPTS for Library Media and discussions on '65% Solution' which is an education reform movement affecting school library seriously.