• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.2
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• pp.66-79
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• 2022

In the mid-Kofun period, the technology employed in the southern part of the Korean Peninsula had reached the Japanese archipelago, and a Japanese-style unglazed earthenware called Sueki was produced. During the early period of the spread of technology, regional elements from all over the Korean Peninsula remained strong, with production on the Japanese archipelago carried out only in very limited regions. After that, production in all parts of the archipelago began gradually. The Sueki culture was introduced to the Japanese archipelago with the technology of the Korean Peninsula; however, many excavations have been reported in the Korean Peninsula(these excavations are even called Suekitype). Many of these excavations were conducted in Jeolla-do, Yeongnam, and the Yeongsan River basin. As revealed in previous studies, however, many imitations were excavated around Jeolla-do, while Sueki of the Japanese archipelago were excavated from tombs in the Yeongnam area. The excavation period was generally from the late 5^th century to the early 6^th century(especially from the TK23 to MT15 stage), which is fundamentally different from that of Jeolla-do. Regarding the locations where Sueki were excavated, the majority were found in the tombs of local authorities. They were rarely excavated from the tombs of the royal people. Furthermore, there is no evidence of special meaning given to funeral ceremonies or Sueki in the Japanese archipelago form; therefore, most of them are thought to have been treated the same as unglazed earthenware. Considering the tombs as a whole, influential people(groups, families, and forces) were not only connected to certain areas of the Gaya region but also had complex and larger relationships. In other words, the Sueki excavated from the Yeongnam area may reflect the rise and fall of the forces in each Gaya region and the changes of the Yeongnam period. The role of negotiation and exchange can be seen not only from the fact that influential people in the central government of the Gaya region were involved but also from the existence of areas(groups, families, forces) discovered in the Gaya region indicating mutual relationships.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.1
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• pp.223-242
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• 2022

The main purpose of this study is to find out the meaning of structural changes that appeared in the royal tombs of the Joseon Dynasty after the application of a compound lime-mortar(Sammulhoe三物灰: the mortar with lime, sand, ocher). In the early Joseon Dynasty, the royal tomb was constructed by following the system of the stone chamber tomb in the Goryeo Dynasty. However the system of the stone chamber tomb recorded in 『GukJo-OReYi(國朝五禮儀: The five category's formalities in the Joseon Dynasty)』 is very different from that in the Goryeo Dynasty. The biggest difference is that a compound lime-mortar was applied into the system of the stone chamber tomb in order to attempt structural reinforcement. This change reflects King Sejong's willingness to build a dense structure in which water does not permeate the stone chamber when Yeongneung(英陵) was built in 1446(the 28th year of King Sejong's reign). Yeongneung is a complex structure consisting of a stone chamber and compound lime-mortar wall. After constructing a stone chamber, the 1.2m(4尺) thick wall with a compound lime-mortar is additionally constructed outside the stone chamber structure. In 1468(the year of King Yejong's accession), according to the will of King Sejo, the stone chamber system was abolished and the Hyeongung(玄宮: the chamber enshrining a coffin of the deceased king or queen consort) was constructed only by the thick wall with a compound lime-mortar. This change become a primary cause for the royal tomb to be constructed as Hoekyukneung(灰隔陵: the royal tomb with chamber constructed only by the thick wall with compound lime-mortar) in the late Joseon Dynasty. The Hoekyukneung in the late Joseon Dynasty has been constructed with the method of structure and construction for the thick wall with a compound lime-mortar since the complex structure recorded in 『GukJo-OReYi(國朝五禮儀)』. The Hoekuykseoksilneung(灰隔石室陵: the complex structure consisting of a stone chamber and compound lime-mortar wall) is unique tomb style of Joseon Dynasty and become a motive of tomb system(Hoekuykneung) in the late Joseon Dynasty.

• Journal of Christian Education in Korea
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• v.71
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• pp.121-154
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• 2022

This study is to summarize the relationship between youth in terms of developmental psychology, university education, faith, and spirituality in order to form and improve relationships, which are major developmental tasks of youth, and to suggest Christian youth education by the elements of education. Relationships are formed when you are connected to another person and community, feel interested in each other, feel a sense of bond and belonging, and maintain a stable and satisfactory relationship. This is not skill or technology, but is related to life attitude and value, and continuous learning and training are required. Various developmental tasks in youth have something in common with relationships. Relationships positively affect the lives of young people, such as satisfaction with college life in the early stages of youth, adaptation to college life, personality, and career decision. Relationships are also very important in faith because human existence and faith are defined and formed through relationships. The relationship between the community and others plays an important role in spiritual development for the meaning of life and inner growth. In the aspects of learners and educational environment, it was suggested to understand learners with desire for relationships, the generation they live in, and the educational environment in which the relationship between young people occurs. In terms of teachers, teachers have to try to change their roles such as facilitators, guides, managers, and mentors. For the educational purpose and content, it was suggested that relationships should be the ultimate purpose and the educational content for this was presented in three different types of relationships and each main contents to be dealt with. In terms of educational method, it was proposed to select a learner-centered group learning method that induces communication and active participation of learners to cause interaction by considering other elements of education according to the content of the relationship in the cognitive, emotional, and behavioral dimensions. In the aspects of educational results and evaluation, it was proposed to confirm that what was considered during the educational planning stage was effectively carried out in actual education, to evaluate various evaluation methods, various aspects, and to summarize the evaluation results for the specific application.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.39 no.1
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• pp.1-9
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• 2021

The purpose of this study is to analyze Zhangjingxiu(張敬修 1823~1864), who made Keyuan(可園) in Lingnan, China, to find out how traditional gardens were created. This study focused on the analysis of the relationship between garden designer and space creation. To this purpose, the analysis was divided into garden designer life analysis, garden making background analysis, garden analysis as a space for interaction with local artists, garden analysis as art activity space for garden designer, and garden designer's unique garden creation. the results are as follow. Zhangjingxiu was born in Dongwan City in 1823, participated in the civil war at the age of 22(1845), returned home at the age of 26(1849) and made Keyuan. However, he again went through the Opium War(1856), and at the age of 38(1861) he returned home with a war-illness. A garden designer Zhangjingxiu died at the age of 41(1864). Since Zhangjingxiu was a soldier, he healed the wounds caused by the war and created a garden in order to realize the ideal world that Zhangjingxiu normally had. The garden making background can be found in the garden's name Keyuan(可園). Zhangjingxiu tried to express in the garden the meaning of 'there is nothing possible and nothing impossible in the world' learned through the war. Therefore, Zhangjingxiu named the garden housing and the lake as Gadang(可堂), Gaheon(可軒), Gajeong(可亭), Galu(可樓), and Gaho(可湖). In addition, he returned from the war and making a garden with love and filial piety for his mother. Zhangjingxiu left many poetry and oriental paintings in Keyuan with local artists. The places created as a base as a space to interact with local artists in the garden are 'Gaheon(可軒) and Galu(可樓)', and 'Chuwoljigwan(雛月池館) and Gajeong(可亭)'. In particular, Jasudae(滋樹臺), which can produce various miniascapes of orchids, is considered to be the core space of Zhangjingxiu's artistic space. Zhangjingxiu is considered to have become a famous garden by creating a very characteristic garden using Jasudae, Sokgasan(石假山) and Baewoldae(拜月臺) on the court in front of Gadang.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.135-174
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• 2020

The article focuses on the student activism experience of the 1990s and 2010s and on the accumulation of everyday experiences created by the conditions of the 2010s against the backdrop of differences in how the composition of 'we' is portrayed in oral narrative. What stands out in the 90s oral narratives on student activism experiences, which were compiled in the 2010s, is the distancing of the culture of student activism at that time. In the words of speakers who experienced university life in the 1990s, the culture of student activism at the university was created through private relationships, and was, needless to say, considered 'natural'. At the same time, however, the 'natural' is said to be 'abnormal' or 'strange' in the context of the 2010s in which it is being talked about, and is meant to be an experience with a certain distance from the present speakers. This aspect is associated with the conditions under which the experience of the 90s is being described in the 2010s. The present, which explains past experiences to speakers, was explained after the 2016 candlelight protest and Gangnam Station femicide protest, and is described as a world that is qualitatively different from before, and is located as an opportunity to create a critical distance from past experiences. This qualitative change, which raises suspicions about the homogenous "we", is based on a newly acquired sense of gender sensitivity, living since the mid-2010s, when gentler issues were the biggest topic in Korean society, among others. In the 2010s, the composition of 'we' is no longer understood as a community of people who share any commonality, but as individuals who unite despite numerous differences. This reveals the experiences of those who have already embodied this in their everyday senses in the 2010s. The 'we' they formed should have nothing to do with private relationships, nor was homogeneity considered the most prominent group, so it was nothing that could explain the 'me' at the time of the demonstration and outside of the venue. It was in that context that the relevant experience was described in a cautious manner throughout. This, in turn, raises the need to ask and understand a new sense of student activism and, moreover, social movements and the sense of unity as 'we'. It should also be asked who is the main body of the movement and what is the use of asking it. Soon, the need and meaning of defining the fixed identity of 'we' in the movement should be questioned. Therefore, it should be asked what fixed positions or coordinates can really represent someone's position.

• Journal of Korea Entertainment Industry Association
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• v.15 no.8
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• pp.91-106
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• 2021

The purpose of this study is to define the process of leading to self-realization and social solidarity through the process of contents planning, production, and distribution as Contents Activism, and to categorize specific execution steps. Based on this, we try to analyze concrete cases to find out the social meaning and effect of the practice of Contents Activism. As for the research method, after examining the differences between traditional activism and Contents Activism through a review of previous studies, the implementation process of Contents Activism was categorized into 7 steps. By applying this model, this study analyzed two cases of Contents Activism. The first case is the 100 laps challenge in the backyard planned by an elderly man ahead of his 100th birthday in early 2020, when the fear of COVID-19 spread. Sir Tom Moore, who lives in the UK, challenged to walk 100 laps in the backyard to help medical staff from the National Health Service as COVID-19 infections and deaths increased due to a lack of protective equipment. His challenge, which is difficult to walk without assistive devices due to cancer surgery and fall aftereffects, drew sympathy and participation from many people, leading to global solidarity. The second case analyzes the case of 'The Unfreedom of Expression, Afterwards' by Kim Seo-kyung and Kim Woon-seong, who were invited to the 2019 Aichi Triennale special exhibition in Japan. The 'Unfreedom of Expression, After' exhibition was a project to display the Statue of Peace and the lives of comfort women in the Japanese military, but it was withdrawn after three days of war due to threats and attacks from the far-right forces. Overseas artists who heard this news resisted the Triennale's decision, took and shared photos in the same pose as the Statue of Peace on social media such as Twitter and Instagram, empathizing with the historical significance of the Statue of Peace. Activism, which began with artists, has expanded through social media to the homes, workplaces, and streets of ordinary citizens living in various regions. The two cases can be said to be Contents Activism that led to social practice while solidifying and communicating with someone through contents.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.31
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• pp.93-129
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• 2018

These days, the world finds itself in a time when 21st century human and societal practices can benefit from alternative viable models; as such models are desperately needed. Daesoon Jinrihoe seeks to show one model inspired by the historical kings, Yao and Shun. In Daesoon Jinrihoe, King Yao and King Shun (堯舜 yo sun) are recollected and projected into modern times. This paper is a study that examines what aspects of Daesoon Thought go into understanding Kings Yao and Shun and what insights their example can provide for modern people today. In Daesoon Thought, the 'Dao of Kings Yao and Shun' has appeared again because the 'Era of the Great Opening (開闢時代 gaebyeok shidae)' has arrived, and this era is characterized by 'Seeking Out the Beginning and Returning to the Original Root (原始返本 wonshi banbon).' This is not simply a return to ancient times. The seeds that fall on the ground grow up to overcome winds and rains, bring forth new fruits in the autumn, and their fruits contain the original seeds. The seeds are simultaneously the original seeds, but not the seeds themselves. Rather, they are complete bodies condensed and infused with abundant experience gained after multitudinous trials. In Daesoon Thought, Kings Yao and Shun are analyzed from the following four perspectives: first, as an ideal human image that combines the qualities of Sages and Heroes (聖雄 seong oong), second, as the historical background behind the truth of the 'Resolution of Grievances for Mutual Beneficence (解冤相生),' third, as an ancient model of the ideal world, and fourth, as Daesoon Jinrihoe's 'Mind Dharma (心法)' and also as the classical basis for the 'Cultivation of Dao (修道).' However, the meaning of Kings Yao and Shun in Daesoon Thought is not limited to traditional philosophical thought but also contains certain crucial differences. In Daesoon Thought, the qualities of sages and heroes are combined in a way that does not compromise or penalize, but in accordance with the rule of law and beyond, the ideal world is understood as a world in which there are no natural disasters and everyone enjoys beauty and splendor. Mind Dharma means the spiritual cultivation of the 'Dao of Mutual Beneficence' as presented by Sangje (上帝 the Supreme God) through sincerity, respectfulness, and faithfulness (誠敬信 seong, gyeong, shin). In addition, through the core truth of Daesoon Thought, the Resolution of Grievances for Mutual Beneficence, the resolution of the grudges associated with Kings Yao and Shun will likewise eliminate the root-grudge plaguing humanity and divine beings. In this paper, I intend to deepen my understanding of Daesoon Thought through a study on our theology's understanding of Kings Yao and Shun, and I also wish to redefine the value of Daesoon Thought through the symbolization and reinterpretation of ancient historical figures.

• East European & Balkan Studies
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• v.35
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• pp.153-186
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• 2013

Literature has been special for the Polish who suffered from the numerous invasions from surrounding countries for her geographical location at the center of Europe. In the late 18th century at a time when Poland was divided and ruled by Russia, Prussia and Austria, literature played an important role in uniting Poland. During the 2nd world war in which Poland was occupied by the Soviet Union and by Germany, and during the Cold War period under socialism system(1948~1989), the Polish literature was in the front to keep unique national culture with overseas migration community at the center. The Polish Diaspora literature from 19th century up to now has naturally embodied national sufferings from foreign powers in their literary tradition linked to the problem of 'migration'. In addition, they belong to other cultural sphere, but keep their own unique identity, which is similar to Korean Diaspora literature to a great degree. This study has two stages. In the first stage, it figures out the formation and trend of the Polish Diaspora literature followed by their meaning in the history of Polish literature. In the second stage, specific texts (two dramas) are analyzed before and after system transition in 1989. * Before system transition: S. Mrożek, Emigranci (1974), * After system transition: J. Głowacki, Antygona w Nowym Yorku (1992) Mrożek and Głowacki had themselves migration experiences with high achievement and recognition in literature not only in Poland but also in the world. In their works, hardships as 'strangers' in foreign countries, emotional wandering and agony, nostalgia to lost home land and exploration of identity were described vividly. By comparing the 2 literature texts, this study attempts to trace the change of Diaspora consciousness which Polish migrants experienced in foreign countries with different political system like socialism and capitalism.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.4
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• pp.96-116
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• 2022

The Daebodan was an altar, which held a memorial service for emperors of the Ming dynasty. This alter, which was referred to as Hwangdan, was first constructed in 1704. When the Japanese Invasion of Korea commenced in 1592, Shinjong, the emperor of the Ming dynasty, sent reinforcements to Josun to help. This alter was made to repay Shinjong's kindness. Before this, Song-siyeol(宋時烈), Leader of Noron(老論), made a shrine at Hwayangdong to hold memorial services for Shinjong, and after some time, this developed into a national ceremony. Construction of the Daebodan largely changed the backyard of Changdukgung-palace. However considering the construction process, the meaning of the Daebodan was not a big deal. At first, the optimal place for the Daebodan was selected at the site of a inner icehouse. But the inner icehouse could not be transferred to other site due to the circumstances. After all, the Daebodan was constructed at the site of Byeoldaeyeong(別隊營) which was located in the outside of palace. Most of the stones for the new Daebodan were used ones. And the annexe of Byeoldaeyeong was used for Daebodan without any changes being made. The scale of the construction was not particularly grand. After the construction, Sukjong, who made the Daebodan, showed barely any interest in it. But the conception of the Daebodan was back again in the history by Youngjo. He was also not interested in the Daebodan during his early years of ruling time. However, in the 1740's, he started to become interested in the ceremony of Daebodan, and carried out a large-scale reconstruction of the Daebodan. Jegigo(祭器庫) was rebuilt In 1739. And Jaesil(齋室), staying one night before the ceremonial day, was added in 1745. In 1749, the Daebodan was greatly changed by enshrining Uijong and Taejo, emperors of the Ming dynasty. The shape of alter was changed. Moreover this alter was made by newly quarried stones. And several buildings, Junsachung(典祀廳), Jaesaengchung(宰牲廳) and Akgongchung(樂工廳), were added to the site. In 1762, meritorious retainers were enshrined to the Daebodan. After all the Daebodan became an important part of the backyard of Changdukgung-palace. During the reign of Jungjo, the Daebodan also was an important part of backyard of Changdukgung-palace. But significant changes were not made at that time. The only change was the moving of Kyungbonggak(敬奉閣) in 1799. Afterward the Daebodan remained unchanged. The ceremonies at the Daebodan stopped in 1908. And the Daebodan disappeared into the mist of history.

• Women's Studies Review
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.3-36
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• 2010

This paper is based on the certain point that 'the indigenous', which have long been occupied by the Asian patriarchy or the local communities, now calls for the repositioning in the feminist context. 'The indigenous', in one part, generally refer to the matured long-standing traditions and practices of certain regional, or local communities, as a mode of a place specific way of endowing the world with integral meaning. In the narrow definition, it points to the particular form of placed based knowledge for survival, for example, the useful knowledge of a population who have lived experiences of the environment. In the other part, 'the indigenous' could be criticized in the gender perspectives because it has been served as an ideological tool for patriarchy and sexism, which have undermined women's body and subjectivity in the name of the Asian traditional community. That's why the feminists with sensitivity to the discourses of it, may perceive it very differently, still hesitating dealing with the problem. However, even if there are tendencies that the conservatives romanticize local traditions and essentialize 'the indigenous', as it were, it does not exist 'out there'. Then, it could be scrutinized in the contemporary context which, especially, needs to seek the possibility towards the alternatively post - develope mental knowledge system. In the face of global economic crisis which might be resulted from the instrumentalized or fragmented knowledge production system, it's holistic conceptions that human, society, and nature should not be isolated from each other. is able to give an insightful thinking. It will work in the restraint condition that we reconceptualize the indigenous knowledge not as an unchanging artefact of a timeless culture, but as a dynamic, living and culturally meaningful system towards the ecofeminstic indigenous knowledge. And then, indigenous renaissance phenomena which empower non-western culture and knowledge system and generate increased consciousness of cultural membership. Thus, this paper argues that the indigenous knowledges which have been underestimated in the western-centered knowledge-power relations, could be reconstructed as a potential resources of ecological civility transnationally which reconnect individuals and societies with nature.