• Title/Summary/Keyword: Material Management

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A Study on Risk Parity Asset Allocation Model with XGBoos (XGBoost를 활용한 리스크패리티 자산배분 모형에 관한 연구)

  • Kim, Younghoon;Choi, HeungSik;Kim, SunWoong
    • Journal of Intelligence and Information Systems
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    • v.26 no.1
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    • pp.135-149
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    • 2020
  • Artificial intelligences are changing world. Financial market is also not an exception. Robo-Advisor is actively being developed, making up the weakness of traditional asset allocation methods and replacing the parts that are difficult for the traditional methods. It makes automated investment decisions with artificial intelligence algorithms and is used with various asset allocation models such as mean-variance model, Black-Litterman model and risk parity model. Risk parity model is a typical risk-based asset allocation model which is focused on the volatility of assets. It avoids investment risk structurally. So it has stability in the management of large size fund and it has been widely used in financial field. XGBoost model is a parallel tree-boosting method. It is an optimized gradient boosting model designed to be highly efficient and flexible. It not only makes billions of examples in limited memory environments but is also very fast to learn compared to traditional boosting methods. It is frequently used in various fields of data analysis and has a lot of advantages. So in this study, we propose a new asset allocation model that combines risk parity model and XGBoost machine learning model. This model uses XGBoost to predict the risk of assets and applies the predictive risk to the process of covariance estimation. There are estimated errors between the estimation period and the actual investment period because the optimized asset allocation model estimates the proportion of investments based on historical data. these estimated errors adversely affect the optimized portfolio performance. This study aims to improve the stability and portfolio performance of the model by predicting the volatility of the next investment period and reducing estimated errors of optimized asset allocation model. As a result, it narrows the gap between theory and practice and proposes a more advanced asset allocation model. In this study, we used the Korean stock market price data for a total of 17 years from 2003 to 2019 for the empirical test of the suggested model. The data sets are specifically composed of energy, finance, IT, industrial, material, telecommunication, utility, consumer, health care and staple sectors. We accumulated the value of prediction using moving-window method by 1,000 in-sample and 20 out-of-sample, so we produced a total of 154 rebalancing back-testing results. We analyzed portfolio performance in terms of cumulative rate of return and got a lot of sample data because of long period results. Comparing with traditional risk parity model, this experiment recorded improvements in both cumulative yield and reduction of estimated errors. The total cumulative return is 45.748%, about 5% higher than that of risk parity model and also the estimated errors are reduced in 9 out of 10 industry sectors. The reduction of estimated errors increases stability of the model and makes it easy to apply in practical investment. The results of the experiment showed improvement of portfolio performance by reducing the estimated errors of the optimized asset allocation model. Many financial models and asset allocation models are limited in practical investment because of the most fundamental question of whether the past characteristics of assets will continue into the future in the changing financial market. However, this study not only takes advantage of traditional asset allocation models, but also supplements the limitations of traditional methods and increases stability by predicting the risks of assets with the latest algorithm. There are various studies on parametric estimation methods to reduce the estimated errors in the portfolio optimization. We also suggested a new method to reduce estimated errors in optimized asset allocation model using machine learning. So this study is meaningful in that it proposes an advanced artificial intelligence asset allocation model for the fast-developing financial markets.

Mid-Term Results of 292 cases of Coronary Artery Bypass Grafting (관상동맥 우회술 292례의 중기 성적)

  • 김태윤;김응중;이원용;지현근;신윤철;김건일
    • Journal of Chest Surgery
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    • v.35 no.9
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    • pp.643-652
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    • 2002
  • As the prevalence of coronay artery disease is increasing, the surgical treatment has been universalized and operative outcome has been improved. We analyzed the short and mid-term results of 292 CABGs performed in Kangdong Sacred Heart Hospital. Material and Method: From June 1994 to December 2001, 292 patients underwent coronary artery bypass grafting. There were 173 men and 119 women and their ages ranged from 39 to 84 years with a mean of $61.8{\pm}9.1$ years. We analyzed the preoperative risk factors, operative procedures and operative outcome. In addition, we analyzed the recurrence of symptoms, long-term mortality and complications via out-patient follow-up for discharged patients. Result: Preoperative clinical diagnoses were unstable angina in 137(46.9%), stable angina in 34(11.6%), acute myocardial infarction in 40(13.7%), non-Q myocardial infarction in 25(8.6%), postinfarction angina in 22(7.5%), cardiogenic shock in 30(10.3%) and PTCA failure in 4(1.4%) patients. Preoperative angiographic diagnoses were three-vessel disease in 157(53.8%), two-vessel disease in 35 (12.0%), one-vessel disease in 11(3.8%) and left main disease in 89(30.5%) patients. We used saphenous veins in 630, internal thoracic arteries in 257, radial arteries in 50, and right gastoepiploic arteries in 2 distal anastomoses. The mean number of distal anastomoses per patient was $3.2{\pm}1.0$ There were 18 concomitant procedures ; valve replacement in 8(2.7%), left main coronary artery angioplasty in 6(2.1%), patch closure of postinfarction ventricular septal defect(PMI-VSD) in 2(0.7%), replacement of ascending aorta in 1(0.3%) and coronary endarterectomy in 1(0.3%) patient. The mean ACC time was $96.6{\pm}35.3 $ minutes and the mean CPB time was $179.2{\pm}94.6$ minutes. Total early mortality was 8.6%, but it was 3.1% in elective operations. The most common cause of early mortality was low cardiac output syndrome in 6(2.1%) patients. The stastistically significant risk factors for early mortality were hypertension, old age($\geq$ 70 years), poor LV function(EF<40%), congestive heart failure, preoperative intraaortic balloon pump, emergency operation and chronic renal failure. The most common complication was arrhythmia in 52(17.8%) patients. The mean follow-up period was $39.0{\pm}27.0$ months. Most patients were free of symptoms during follow-up. Fourteen patients(5.8 %) had recurrent symptoms and 7 patients(2.9%) died during follow-up period. Follow-up coronary angiography was performed in 13 patients with recurrent symptoms and they were managed by surgical and medical treatment according to the coronary angiographic result. Conclusion: The operative and late results of CABG in our hospital, was acceptable. However, There should be more refinement in operative technique and postoperative management to improve the results.

The Clinical Application and Results of Palliative Damus-Kaye-Stansel Procedure (고식적 Damus-Kaye-Stansel 술식의 임상적 적용 및 결과)

  • Lim, Hong-Gook;Kim, Soo-Jin;Kim, Woong-Han;Hwang, Seong-Wook;Lee, Cheul;Shinn, Sung-Ho;Yie, Kil-Soo;Lee, Jae-Woong;Lee, Chang-Ha
    • Journal of Chest Surgery
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    • v.41 no.1
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    • pp.1-11
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    • 2008
  • Background: The Damus-Kaye-Stansel (DKS) procedure is a proximal MPA-ascending aorta anastomosis used to relieve systemic ventricular outflow tract obstructions (SVOTO) and pulmonary hypertension. The purpose of this study was to review the indications and outcomes of the DKS procedure, including the DKS pathway and semilunar valve function. Material and Method: A retrospective review of 28 patients who underwent a DKS procedure between May 1994 and April 2006 was performed. The median age at operation was 5.3 months ($13\;days{\sim}38.1\;months$) and body weight was 5.0 kg ($2.9{\sim}13.5\;kg$). Preoperative pressure gradients were $25.3{\pm}15.7\;mmHg$ ($10{\sim}60\;mmHg$). Eighteen patients underwent a preliminary pulmonary artery banding as an initial palliation. Preoperative main diagnoses were double outlet right ventricle in 9 patients, double inlet left ventricle with ventriculoarterial discordance in 6,. another functional univentricular heart in 5, Criss-cross heart in 4, complete atrioventricular septal defect in 3, and hypoplastic left heart variant in 1. DKS techniques included end-to-side anastomosis with patch augmentation in 14 patients, classical end-to-side anastomosis in 6, Lamberti method (double-barrel) in 3, and others in 5. The bidirectional cavopulmonary shunt and Fontan procedure were concomitantly performed in 6 and 2 patients, respectively. Result: There were 4 hospital deaths (14.3%), and 3 late deaths (12.5%) with a follow-up duration of $62.7{\pm}38.9$ months ($3.3{\sim}128.1$ months). Kaplan-Meier estimated actuarial survival was $71.9%{\pm}9.3%$ at 10 years. Multivariate analysis showed right ventricle type single ventricle (hazard ratio=13.960, p=0.004) and the DKS procedure as initial operation (hazard ratio=6.767, p=0.042) as significant mortality risk factors. Four patients underwent staged biventricular repair and 13 received Fontan completion. No SVOTO was detected after the procedure by either cardiac catheterization or echocardiography except in one patient. There was no semiulnar valve regurgitation (>Gr II) or semilunar valve-related reoperation, but one patient (3.6%) who underwent classical end-to-side anastomosis needed reoperation for pulmonary artery stenosis caused by compression of the enlarged DKS pathway. The freedom from reoperation for the DKS pathway and semilunar valve was 87.5% at 10 years after operation. Conclusion: The DKS procedure can improve the management of SVOTO, and facilitate the selected patients who are high risk for biventricular repair just after birth to undergo successful staged biventricular repair. Preliminary pulmonary artery banding is a safe and effective procedure that improves the likelihood of successful DKS by decreasing pulmonary vascular resistance. The long-term outcome of the DKS procedure for semilunar valve function, DKS pathway, and relief of SVOTO is satisfactory.

Analysis of the Eyeglasses Supply System for Ametropes in ROK Military (한국군 비정시자용 안경의 보급체계 분석)

  • Jin, Yong-Gab;Koo, Bon-Yeop;Lee, Woo-Chul;Yoon, Moon-Soo;Park, Jin-Tae;Lee, Hang-Seok;Lee, Kyo-Eun;Leem, Hyun-Sung;Jang, Jae-Young;Mah, Ki-Choong
    • The Korean Journal of Vision Science
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    • v.20 no.4
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    • pp.579-588
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    • 2018
  • Purpose : To analyze the eyeglasses supply system for ametropic soldiers in ROK military. Methods : We investigated and analyzed the supply system of eyeglasses for the ametropic soldiers provided by the Korean military. The refractive powers and corrected visual acuity were measured for 37 ametropic soldiers who wear insert glasses for ballistic protective and gas-masks supplied by the military based on their habitual prescriptions. Full correction of refractive error was prescribed for subjects having less than 1.0 of distance visual acuity, and comparison was held for inspecting the changes in corrected visual acuity. Suggestions were provided for solving the issues regarding current supplying system, and this study investigated the applicabilities for utilizing professional optometric manpower. Results : The new glasses supplied by army for ametropic soldiers were duplicated from the glasses they worn when entering the army. The spherical equivalent refractive powers of the conventional, ballistic protective and gas-mask insert glasses supplied for 37 ametropic soldiers were $-3.47{\pm}1.69D$, $-3.52{\pm}1.66D$ and $-3.55{\pm}1.63D$, respectively, and the spherical equivalent refractive power of full corrected glasses was $-3.79{\pm}1.66D$, which showed a significant difference(p<0.05). The distant corrected visual acuity measured at high and low contrast(logMAR) of conventional, ballistic protective and gas-mask insert glasses were $0.06{\pm}0.80$, $0.21{\pm}0.82$, $0.15{\pm}0.74$, $0.34{\pm}0.89$, $0.10{\pm}0.70$ and $0.22{\pm}0.27$, respectively, while the corrected visual acuity by full corrected glasses were increased to $0.02{\pm}1.05$, $0.10{\pm}0.07$, $0.09{\pm}0.92$, $0.26{\pm}0.10$, $0.04{\pm}1.00$ and $0.19{\pm}1.00$, respectively. There was a significant difference(p<0.05) except for the case of the low contrast corrected visual acuity of the conventional and gas-mask insert glasses. The procedure for ordering, dispensing, and supplying military glasses consists of 5 steps, and it was found that approximately two weeks or more are required to supply from the initial examination. Conclusion : The procedure of supplying the military glasses showed three issues: 1) a lack of refraction for prescription system, 2) relatively long length of time required for supplying the glasses, 3) an inaccurate power of supplied glasses. In order to solve those issues, in the short term, education is necessarily required for soldiers on the measurement of the refractive powers, and in the near future, further standard procedures for prescription of glasses as well as the securement of optometric manpower are expected.

A Study on the Spatial Structure of Eupchi(邑治) and Landscape Architecture of Provincial Government Office(地方官衙) in the Late Joseon Dynasty through 'Sukchunjeahdo(宿踐諸衙圖)' - Focused on the Youngyuhyun Pyeongan Province and Sincheongun Hwanghae Province - (『숙천제아도(宿踐諸衙圖)』를 통해 본 조선시대 읍치(邑治)의 공간구조와 관아(官衙) 조경 - 평안도 영유현과 황해도 신천군을 중심으로 -)

  • Shin, Sang sup;Lee, Seung yoen
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.49 no.2
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    • pp.86-103
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    • 2016
  • 'Sukchunjeahdo' illustration-book, which was left by Han, Pil-gyo(韓弼敎 : 1807~1878)in the late Joseon Dynasty, includes pictorial record paintings containing government offices, Eupchi, and Feng Shui condition drawn by Gyehwa(界畵) method Sabangjeondomyobeop(四方顚倒描法) and is the rare historical material that help to understand spatial structure and landscape characteristics. Youngyuhyun(永柔縣) and Sincheongun(信川郡) town, the case sites of this study, show Feng Shui foundation structure and placement rules of government offices in the Joseon Period are applied such as 3Dan 1Myo(三壇一廟 : Sajikdan, Yeodan, Seonghwangdan, Hyanggyo), 3Mun 3Jo(三門三朝 : Oeah, Dongheon, Naeah) and Jeonjohuchim(前朝後寢) etc. by setting the upper and lower hierarchy of the north south central axis. The circulation system is the pattern that roads are segmented around the marketplace of the entrance of the town and the structure is that heading to the north along the internal way leads to the government office and going out to the main street leads to the major city. Baesanimsu(背山臨水 : Mountain in backward and water in front) foundation, back hill pine forest, intentionally created low mountains and town forest etc. showed landscape aesthetics well suited for the environmental comfort condition such as microclimate control, natural disaster prevention, psychological stability reflecting color constancy principle etc. and tower pavilions were built throughout the scenic spot, reflecting life philosophy and thoughts of contemporaries such as physical and mental discipline, satisfied at the reality of poverty, returning to nature etc. For government office landscape, shielding and buffer planting, landscape planting etc. were considered around Gaeksa(客舍), Dongheon(東軒), Naeah(內衙) backyard and deciduous tree s and flowering trees were cultivated as main species and in case of Gaeksa, tiled pavilions and pavilions topped with poke weed in tetragonal pond were introduced to Dongheon and Naeah and separate pavilions were built for the purpose of physical and mental discipline and military training such as archery. Back hill pine tree forest formed back landscape and zelkova, pear trees, willow trees, old pine trees, lotus, flowering trees etc. were cultivated as gardening trees and Feng-Shui forest with willow trees as its main species was created for landscape and practical purposes. On the other hand, various cultural landscape elements etc. were introduced such as pavilions, pond serving as fire protection water(square and circle), stone pagoda and stone Buddha, fountains and wells, monument houses, flagpoles etc. In case of Sincheongun town forest(邑藪), Manhagwan(挽河觀), Moonmujeong(文武井), Sangjangdae(上場岱) and Hajangdae(下場岱) Market place, Josanshup<(造山藪 : Dongseojanglim(東西長林)>, Namcheon(南川) etc. were combined and community cultural park with the nature of modern urban park was operated. In this context, government office landscape shows the garden management aspect where square pond and pavilions, flowering trees are harmonized around side pavilion and backyard. Also, environmental design technique not biased to aesthetics and ideological moral philosophy and comprehensively considering functionality (shielding and fire prevention, microclimate control, etc.) and environmental soundness etc. is working.

Developing the Process and Characteristics of Preservation of Area-Based Heritage Sites in Japan (일본 면형 유산 보존제도의 확산과정과 특성)

  • Sung, Wonseok;Kang, Dongjin
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.53 no.4
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    • pp.32-59
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    • 2020
  • South Korea's area-based heritage preservation system originates from the "Preservation of Traditional Buildings Act" enacted in 1984. However, this system was abolished in 1996. As there was a need for protection of ancient cities in the 1960s, Japan enacted the Historic City Preservation Act in 1966, and 'Preservation Areas for Historic Landscapes' and 'Special Preservation Districts for Historic Landscapes' were introduced. For the preservation of area-based heritage sites, the 'Important Preservation Districts for Groups of Traditional Buildings' system introduced as part of the revision of the Cultural Heritage Protection Act in 1975 was the beginning. Then, in the early-2000s, discussions on the preservation of area-based heritage sites began in earnest, and the 'Important Cultural Landscape' system was introduced for protection of the space and context between heritage sites. Also, '33 Groups of Modernization Industry Heritage Sites' were designated in 2007, covering various material and immaterial resources related to the modernization of Japan, and '100 Beautiful Historic Landscapes of Japan' were selected for protection of local landscapes with historic value in the same year. In 2015, the "Japanese Heritage" system was established for the integrated preservation and management of tangible and intangible heritage aspects located in specific areas; in 2016, the "Japanese Agricultural Heritage" system was established for the succession and fostering of the disappearing agriculture and fishery industries; and in 2017, "the 20th Century Heritage," was established, representing evidence of modern and contemporary Japanese technologies in the 20th century. As a result, presently (in September 2020), 30 'Historic Landscape Preservation Areas', 60 'Historic Landscape Special Districts,' 120 'Important Preservation Districts for Groups of Traditional Buildings," 65 'Important Cultural Landscapes,' 66 'Groups of Modernization Industry Heritage Sites,' 264 "100 Beautiful Historic Landscapes of Japan,' 104 'Japanese Heritage Sites,' and 15 'Japanese Agricultural Heritage Sites' have been designated. According to this perception of situations, the research process for this study with its basic purpose of extracting the general characteristics of Japan's area-based heritage preservation system, has sequentially spread since 1976 as follows. First, this study investigates Japan's area-based heritage site preservation system and sets the scope of research through discussions of literature and preceding studies. Second, this study investigates the process of the spread of the area-based heritage site preservation system and analyzes the relationship between the systems according to their development, in order to draw upon their characteristics. Third, to concretize content related to relationships and characteristics, this study involves in-depth analysis of three representative examples and sums them up to identify the characteristics of Japan's area-based heritage system. A noticeable characteristic of Japan's area-based heritage site preservation system drawn from this is that new heritage sites are born each year. Consequently, an overlapping phenomenon takes place between heritage sites, and such phenomena occur alongside revitalization of related industries, traditional industry, and cultural tourism and the improvement of localities as well as the preservation of area-based heritage. These characteristics can be applied as suggestions for the revitalization of the 'modern historical and cultural space' system implemented by South Korea.

A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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