The urban modernity that became an irresistible model for elites in Asia in the decades before and after 1900 was far from being gender-neutral. It represented an exceptional peak of patriarchy in its exclusion of respectable middle class women from the work force, from ownership and control of property and from politics. Marriage was indissoluble and the wife's role in the male-headed nuclear family was to care for and educate the abundant children she produced. Puritan religious values underlined the perils for women of falling outside this pattern of dependence on the male. Though upheld as modern and civilized, this ideal was in particularly striking contrast with the pre-colonial Southeast Asian pattern of economic autonomy and balance between women and men, and the relative ease of female-initiated divorce. Although attractive to many western-educated Southeast Asian men, including religious reformers determined to 'save' and domesticate women, urban respectability of this type was a poor fit for women accustomed to dominant roles in commerce and marketing, and at least equal ones in production. Southeast Asian relative failure in the high colonial era to adapt to the modern market economy may also have a gendered explanation. We should not be surprised that patriarchy and puritanism became more important in Southeast Asia as it urbanized in the late 20th Century, since this was echoing the European experience a century earlier. The question remains how far Southeast Asia could retain its relatively balanced gender pattern in face of its eventual rapid urbanization and commercial development.
Purpose: Recently, a sudden increase in one household in Korea has become an important social problem. Changes in lifestyles such as population change, marriage, childbirth, and divorce are becoming increasing factors for single-family households. As a result of these changes, the government has implemented policies for one accredited state. However, the policy for one domestic applicant is insufficient compared to other countries. As a measure to cope with the increase in the number of applicants, Shared House has emerged and research on Shared House is necessary. Method: First, we analyze the overall characteristics of domestic share house. And it does a spatial analysis of domestic share house. Especially, it analyzes the relationship between private space and public space. Finally, the plan characteristics are derived based on the analysis results. Result: The results are as follows. First, the type of share house is classified according to the combination of the arrangement of private space and the public space. Second, the larger the scale, the more vertical arrangement than horizontal arrangement. Finally, the character of the share house changes according to the characteristics of the resident.
According to the changing environment of modern society, a resident of the symbols reflects the growing need for housing has risen. Recently the participation of women in Korea, increased divorce rates, diversification of types of jobs, personal life, due to the typically family-oriented values is not the type of atypical forms of various types of households (a person households, newlyweds, Late Marriage Couples, single parent households, cohabiting, single core, including a disclaimer) is formed, and this trend for the social composition of the new housing environment is required. In this study, South Korea, Japan, the two countries central to the values of personal life for the area be developed by the individual but in reality did not meet the residential space in the current "environmental action research" living life based on the construction of a personal area tend to be aware of. Central values of private life, which amplified the possibility of increased prices as the difficulties in living life the most "private area" Building "area of the discrepancies" and controlled through the building of the reason for the tendency of humans in the future by identifying Oriented for the formation of residential space is to provide basic information. In addition, changes in family patterns in Japan and South Korea ahead of the current family patterns by comparing the present and future of Korea is trying to think.
The purpose of present study were to find the general trends of mate selecting factors and. marital satisfaction. concentrated on married women, to examine the difference among mate selection factors and marital satisfaction according to socio-demographic variables and Psychological variables and to analyze the effects of these variables influencing marital satisfaction. The subjects were 276 wives, living in Kwangju that having passed under S years after marriage without divorce experience. The major findings were as follows . 1. In mate selection, factor of high-degree was personality. view of value. personal relations, achievement, emotional mature. self-differentiation. degree of affection's expression. sense of humor, charms and condition of health Respondents'marital satisfaction score showed 91.75 and this score was higher than median score(62.5) 2. The external factor of mate selection showed significant difference according to degree of education. career. order. and sex-role attitude. The internal factor of mate selection showed significant difference according to degree of education, career, order, self-differentiation, self-esteem, and sex-role attitude 3. As correlating mate selectional factors to marital satisfaction, the significance appears in the mate's personality. view of value, emotional mature. personal relations. self-differentiation, condition of health. achievement. charm, sense of humor and degree of affection's expression. 4. Married women's marital satisfaction was influenced by self-esteem, personality and child's number that were explained about 38% by these variables. In conclusion, to happy marital life must be loved her own self. and above all considered internal factors like personality than external factors in mate selection.
In this study, change of the view of love was analyzed by big data analysis in TV drama of married person's love. Two dramas were selected for analysis with opposite theme of love story. The sympathy of audience for the one month period from the end of the drama was analyzed by text mining and sentiment analysis. In particular, changes in the meaning of home meaning are identified. Home is not 'a place where a husband and wife play a social role', but 'a place where they can share real sympathy and one can be happy'. If individuals are not happy, they need to break their homes. In this study, the current divorce rate and the question regarding the matter should be considered. But based on Google Trends, in Korean society, interest in marriage were still higher than romance. It means that people prefer to 'a love to get marriage' in Korean modern society, than 'love for love affair'. It seems to be reflection of cognition change, marriage should be based on true love. This study is expected to be applied to the study of trend change through social media.
This study examines how individual, familial, and social factors are associated with persistent very low fertility in Busan Metropolitan City and contemplates family-friendly environments and social strategies for fertility increase. Fertility decline in Busan Metropolitan City recorded the lowest birth rate nationwide recent years among metropolitan cities and provinces in Korea. Birthrates are low partly because of multiple factors such as high age at childbearing and at marriage, decline in marriage, high divorce rate, the phenomena of marriage avoidance among unmarried women, traditional gender role attitude of men, low domestic work participation of husbands among dual career couples, low marital satisfaction and family life satisfaction, abortion, and more broader attiributes such as family policy, availability of childcare, education expenses, and family-friendlyness of a society. In addition, women of dual career couples in Busan strained from domestic work overload under traditional norms of gender role, and marital satisfaction recorded below average nationwide along with espeacially low marital satisfaction of wives compared to that of husbands. Major aspects of implications and considerations for higher birth rate and family friendly policy in Busan are discussed.
The first demographic transition refers to the historical decline in mortality and fertility, as shown from the 18th Century in several European populations, and continuing present in most developing countries. The end point of the first demographic transition(FDT) was supposed to be a stationary and stable population corresponding with replacement fertility and zero population growth. In addition, households in all parts of the world would converge toward the nuclear and conjugal types, composed of married couples and their offspring. The second demographic transition(SDT), on the other hand, sees no such equilibrium as the end-point. Rather, new developments bring sub-replacement fertility, a multitude of living arrangements other than marriage, and the disconnection between marriage and procreation. Populations would face declining sizes if not complemented by new migrants. Over the last decades birth rates have been on the decline in all countries of the world, and it is estimated that already more than half of he world's population has below replacement level fertility. Measured in terms of the Total Fertility Rate (TFR), currently 34 countries have fertility levels of 1.5 or less. Similarly, Korea has been below lowest-low fertility for eight consecutive years since 2001 and below the replacement level for more than twenty years. In explaining the low fertility in Korea, some researchers explain the low fertility as revenge against a male-dominated society and institution, while others focus the impact of the employment instability. These studies share the basic ideas (spread of individualism, delayed marriage and childbearing, high divorce rate etc.) of a second demographic transition in order to explain the low fertility in Korea.
This paper tries to introduce most recent trends of Korean family policies during Roh, Moo Hyun Government of March 2003-February 2008. Focusing on the gender perspectives, discussions are, for heuristic purposes, centered around three major family issues in S. Korea, one of the most dynamically changing societies in the world: 1) the abolishment of male-centered traditional Family Registry System('the hoju') and the launching of brand-new Family Record Book of five different versions for individual from January 2008; 2) the application of Framework Act On Healthy Homes, a first formal measure to step in various forms of family break-ups these days; and 3) the emergence of Multi-Cultural Family Protection Act, thanks to a massive volume of international marriage migrants from overseas. It can be said that all these family policies are the result of rapidly changing socio-demographic trends into an aging society since 1990s. These trends include late/no marriage with low birth rates, high divorce(and thus remarriage) rates, breakdown of male-breadwinner family model and increase of dual-income family, and a sudden increment of international marriage particularly in rural areas. All in all, overall trends of Korean family life these days that have been taking place so far would provide an excellent exemplary how to deal with an unprecedented societal challenges with the brand-new family policies.
Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
/
v.17
no.11
/
pp.256-270
/
2016
This purpose of this study is to present a new theoretical framework on birthrate recovery in advanced countries in the 21st century. As a result of socioeconomic development and individualism diffusion, the central axis of the family has transformed from the vertical axis of the father-son relation, to the horizontal axis of the husband-wife relation. This process is divided into 2 stages. In the industrialization stage, a nation or a society achieves equality of the individual in family formation, including marriage or divorce. In the post-industrialization stage, it accomplishes the couple equality in family maintenance, including child rearing and household labor. This paper grouped 33 OECD member countries as post- industrialization countries and 103 countries as industrialization countries. This study utilizes 6 variables affecting marriage and childbearing based on previous research. Research results find that during the industrialization stage, the birthrate falls as the education level of women is higher. In the post-industrialization stage, the birthrate rises as gender equality level is higher.
Traditional familism and family value is known as the value that most Koreans share with. Strong family solidarity and family-centered perception among Koreans influences other social values and ideology. Under the family value, caring for family members is family responsibility instead of government responsibility. Previous studies argued that the family value played a role to impede the development of family policy in Korea. The aim of this study was to explore a relation between the family value and the needs for care-support family policy. This study investigated how the family value were related to the specific needs for care-support family policy. The data were drawn from the Seoul Families Survey conducted on 2006 by Seoul Women and Family Foundation. The survey data consisted of 2,500 married males and females living in Seoul. The statistical techniques used for analysis were frequencies, means, t-test, ANOVA, crosstabs, multiple regression models, and multinomial logit models. The major findings of this study were as followings. First, while the traditional familism appeared to be held at a certain level, the general attitudes towards cohabitation, divorce, and single-parent family seemed to be less traditional. Second, the familism was found to be partly associated with the needs for the care-support family policy. The respondents who had less traditional value on arriage and child-rearing showed the higher level of needs for daycare center. This finding implied that nontraditional attitudes were related to the needs for an alternative care service such as caring through facilities rather than to the needs for supportive or complementary services. Lastly, the respondents who had higher level of traditional familism showed a higher preference for direct economic service (supportive service) than for other types of service in child care. And the less traditional their attitudes towards marriage and child-rearing, the more likely they are to prefer flexible child care services and programs to other types of child care services. These results implied that the family value was partly influential to family policy. However, it is worthy to note that the family value was related to family policy preference rather than to family policy needs. In other words, traditional family value appeared to influence the types of family policy rather than the level of needs for family policy.
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